1947 Taft Hartley Act - History

1947 Taft Hartley Act - History

Fabrik

(6/23/47) Taft-Hartley-loven gav præsidenten beføjelse til at opnå et 80-dages forbud mod enhver strejke. Det gav ham også beføjelse til at udpege et undersøgelsesudvalg til at føre tilsyn med overenskomstforhandlinger. Det forbød også lukkede butikker. Lovforslaget blev vedtaget, over præsidentens veto, som reaktion på en bølge af strejker.


Under Anden Verdenskrig begrænsede amerikanske arbejdere betydeligt antallet af strejker, de deltog i. Men med krigen over og amerikanske forretninger manglede arbejdere i året efter krigen deltog fem millioner arbejdere i strejker, strejker, der varede fire gange så lang tid som de havde under Anden Verdenskrig.

Store virksomheder lobbyede kongressen for at gøre noget for at begrænse strejkerne, og de overbeviste kongressen om at vedtage den lovgivning, der blev kendt som Taft Hartley Act. Handlingen begrænsede jurisdiktionelle strejker, som var strejker for at få specifikke arbejdet til at udføre bestemt arbejde. Det bandede sekundære strejker, som var strejker mod virksomheder, der arbejdede med et firma, som en fagforening havde en strid med. Det forhindrede fagforeninger i at give kampagnebidrag til føderale kandidater, der var imod fagforeningerne. Det forbød det, der blev kendt som lukkede butikker, en situation, hvor et selskab kun kunne ansætte et nuværende fagforeningsmedlem. Det gav mulighed for Union -butikker, hvilket betød, at når nogen var ansat, kunne han eller hun blive pålagt at blive medlem af fagforeningen. Loven krævede også, at arbejdsgivere og fagforeninger giver 80 dages varsel om en strejke.

Loven krævede, at alle fagforeningsledere svor på, at de ikke var medlemmer af det kommunistiske parti. Loven fastslog, at tilsynsførende var fritaget for beskyttelse, hvis de var involveret i Unionens aktiviteter.

Endelig fastsatte loven føderal jurisdiktion til at håndhæve overenskomstforhandlinger.


Lov om ret til arbejde

I forbindelse med amerikansk arbejdspolitik, "love om ret til arbejde"refererer til statslige love, der forbyder fagforeningssikkerhedsaftaler mellem arbejdsgivere og fagforeninger. I henhold til disse love er medarbejdere på fagforeninger forbudt at forhandle kontrakter, der kræver, at medarbejdere, der ikke er fagforeningsmedlemmer, bidrager til omkostningerne ved faglig repræsentation. [1]

Ifølge National Right to Work Legal Defense Foundation forbyder love om ret til arbejde fagforeningssikkerhedsaftaler eller aftaler mellem arbejdsgivere og fagforeninger, der regulerer i hvilket omfang en etableret fagforening kan kræve medarbejderes medlemskab, betaling af fagforeningskontingent, eller gebyrer som betingelse for ansættelse, enten før eller efter ansættelse. Lov om ret til arbejde har ikke til formål at give generel ansættelsesgaranti til mennesker, der søger arbejde, men er snarere et statsligt forbud mod kontraktlige aftaler mellem arbejdsgivere og fagforeningsansatte, der kræver, at arbejdstagere betaler omkostningerne ved fagforeningsrepræsentation. [2]

Lov om ret til at arbejde (enten ved love eller ved forfatningsmæssige bestemmelser) findes i 27 amerikanske stater i de sydlige, mellemvestlige og indre vestlige stater. [3] [4] Sådanne love er tilladt i henhold til den føderale Taft - Hartley Act fra 1947. Der foretages ofte en yderligere skel inden for loven mellem personer ansat i statslige og kommunale regeringer og dem, der er ansat i den private sektor, med stater, der ellers er fagforening (dvs. arbejdere skal betale for fagforeningsrepræsentation for at få eller beholde et job) have ret til arbejdslovgivning gældende for statsansatte, dog forudsat at loven også tillader en "agenturbutik", hvor medarbejderne betaler deres andel for repræsentation (mindre end fagforeningskontingent), mens de ikke tiltræder fagforeningen som medlemmer.


Flere kommentarer:

Mat eugene hætte - 6/4/2007

I 1963 sammensværgede den petrokemiske industri med ABC ikke-fagforeningsindustrielle konstaktorer i Freeport, Texas om at bruge Taft-Harty-loven, "retten til arbejdslov", og ødelægge fagforeningen efter en 6 måneders strejke. De brugte enhver lovlig og ulovlig handling ved deres bortskaffelse. Jeg arbejder det sidste fagforeningsjob i Freeport Texas på Dow Chemical på fabrik B for Gunnels Industrial Paint Company. Den petrokemiske industri og de ikke-faglige ABC-entreprenører brugte i 30 år ulovlige med villigt forudgående kendskab til ondskab, der ødelagde mit liv i Unionens job. Jeg gik fra $ 15 dollars i timen i 1981 med fulde fagforeninger med Painters Local 130, Houston og sundhedsvæsenet til $ 10 dollar i timen med nulydelse på 2 måneder. Over halvdelen af ​​de fagforeningsansatte var ulovlige. Den petrokemiske industri er blevet en plantage uden håb om en fremtid. Taft-Hartly har givet denne nation organiseret slaveri, hvor ikke-fagforeningslønninger er blevet frosset, fordi de har fastsat lønningerne indbyrdes. De har ødelagt unioon. De behøver ikke længere at konkurrere med fagforeningsjob. RETTEN TIL AT ARBEJDE LOV er det, der ødelagde Nazityskland. Dens fascisme! De få bliver rige, mens resten støtter de få. Demokratiet er dødt. Hvad vi har, er en kriminel sammensværgelse fra vores folkevalgte til at fremstille den illusion, denne nation har at sige om deres regering. Demokrati blev myrdet på vej til Washington, da Bush, barnebarn til en nazist, blev valgt til præsident

Todd Jordan - 30-04-2005

Todd Jordan - 30-04-2005

Vi erklærer alle for frihed, men ved at bruge det samme ord mener vi ikke alle det samme. Forfatningen i Amerikas Forenede Stater er ikke designet til at være noget, der ville beskytte arbejderklassen i Amerika. Problemer og konflikter, der er i modstrid med arbejderklassens interesser i vores forfatning, er de defensive artikler for virksomheders rettigheder og privat ejendom. Disse artikler i vores forfatning begrænser ikke kun arbejderklassens evne, men forsvarer den kapitalistiske struktur, der virker i modstrid med de mennesker, den formodes at repræsentere. Forfatningen forsvarer den herskende klasse i Amerika og jagten på profit over menneskelige behov. Den dag i dag har arbejderbevægelsen påberåbt sig den lov, som herskerklassen skabte til at operere i. Denne struktur er designet til at reducere truslen om en revolution mod det nuværende system i Amerika. Amerikas herskende klasse har forberedt deres langsigtede strategi mod arbejderklassen, mens de distraherede dem med trivielle kortsigtede taktikker inden for denne struktur. Siden arbejderbevægelsen begyndte dens vej væk fra sand fagforening og social retfærdighed, har den været på tilbagegang efter den anden for arbejderklassen i Amerika.

I dag stoler vi på denne lovstruktur som et middel til meningsløs magt og falsk beskyttelse. Disse love bruges ofte mod os og giver ingen reel beskyttelse og kun en falsk siden af ​​magt til arbejderklassen. Lovene inden for denne struktur testes og angribes hvert år siden deres passage for at distrahere og svække yderligere og bevægelse inden for dette land. I stedet for at beholde unionens mission og økonomiske frihed fra udbytning og slaveri ved hjælp af markedslønninger, tog de amerikanske fagforeninger de forkerte beslutninger for bevægelsen, som i sidste ende bevirkede ændringen af ​​alle sociale bevægelser inden for arbejderklassen i Amerika. De flyttede til at støtte denne lovstruktur for at fungere inden for, og tiden for partnerskab med den herskende klasse blev født. Til sidst, da en total ændring skete til den sidste sejrsdag, frygtede arbejderbevægelsens ledere fremkomsten af ​​denne revolution, der hævede sig inden for arbejderklassen i midten af ​​1900'erne. De frygtede, hvad de skabte som en trussel mod deres nye personlige rigdom og magt, de havde opnået fra bevægelsens fremgang mod den herskende klasse.

I dag ser vi nu forræderiet og resultaterne af denne grådighedsfejl i vores land. Der kan aldrig være et broderskab af arbejde og kapital. De er for evigt to modsatrettede kræfter, der arbejder mod hinanden. Der er ingen lov eller nogen form for reform, der nogensinde vil hjælpe bevægelsen. Disse ting fungerer inden for en kapitalistisk lovstruktur og giver kun midlertidige gevinster og løsninger på det større problem. I dag er det ikke i arbejderbevægelsens ledelses interesse at ændre dette system. De har fået meget ud af deres bureaukratiske system, som de byggede omkring dem på bekostning af bevægelsen. New Deal -lovgivningen er en klar forståelse af denne proces for at omdanne bevægelsen til en kontrolleret enhed. Dette er et eksempel på forræderi til arbejderklassen. Det er meget negativt til bevægelsens politiske magt og potentiale.

Ideologien bag at acceptere disse fælder er at godkende og acceptere det nuværende kapitalismesystem, mens man forsøger at reformere et system, der ikke kan fungere i arbejderklassens interesse. Fagforeningerne er tvunget til at begrænse strejker og operere inden for grænserne for denne struktur, når deres solidaritet og medlemskab falder. Taft-Hartley-loven udvidede ganske enkelt angrebene mod arbejderklassen. Som en del af den kapitalistiske herskende klasses langsigtede strategi, tilføjede denne slavelovgivning kun mere brændstof til ilden og stoppede enhver mulig bevægelse mod det nuværende system. Fagforeninger begyndte at miste tænkende ledere og medlemmer under den kolde krig som følge heraf, denne nedrivning af bevægelsen fortsætter i dag som en trussel mod den nuværende leders bureaukratiske kontrol. Ledere og embedsmænd inden for bevægelsen stemplede kommunist eller socialist, hvor de blev fjernet med magt fra deres embeder under dette bedrag fra den herskende klasse og deres løjtnanter ved magten over fagforeningerne. Dette fratog arbejderbevægelsen de sidste elementer i opbygningen af ​​en revolution mod kapitalismen inden for de amerikanske fagforeninger.

Nu sidder vi inaktiv og ser virksomhederne styre arbejderbevægelsens sjæl og retning. Den dag i dag holder fagforeningerne i Amerika fast i det kapitalistiske demokratiske parti og opererer inden for denne struktur. De fortsætter med at fungere som skødhunde og huse slaver til et korrupt topartssystem med kapitalistisk styre. Labour giver det kapitalistiske system en frygt, der er langt større end noget fald i markedet. Arbejderbevægelsen har potentiale til at føre de mange andre sociale bevægelser i Amerika til at udfordre selve eksistensen af ​​kapital, derfor prioriterer de denne strategi og frygter solidaritet over enhver trussel. Fanget i en kontrolleret struktur af regler, love og bureaukratifagforeninger opretholdes i en immobiliseret tilstand. Kun gennem radikale ændringer kan dette stoppes. Lovene er stablet mod arbejderklassen for at beskytte kapitalismen og den herskende klasse. Hver dag indføres nye love, der på en eller anden måde udvider deres magt og deres kontrol over arbejderklassen.

Det største nederlag for arbejdskraft inden for denne struktur var manglende evne til at slå efter vilje over enhver uretfærdighed på arbejdspladsen. Den korrupte bureaukratiske struktur af NLRB og fagforeningsledelsen stopper enhver reel fremgang mod forandring. Det skal starte fra bevægelsen først, der vil aldrig være en reel ændring, så længe fagforeningsbureaukraternes rollebesætning og solide indflydelse forbliver uimodsagt og uskadt. Bevægelsens ledere driver fagforeningerne oppefra og ned, denne kontrol er den første hindring i vejen for at bryde ud af det strukturelle fængsel, der er bygget omkring arbejderklassen i Amerika.

Hverken forfatninger eller rettighedserklæringer, republikker eller forfatningsmæssige monarkier kan nogensinde gøre mænd frie, så længe deres levebrød er prisgivet en lille klasse, der har indflydelse på livets midler. Verdens arbejdere forenes!

Vince Treacy - 18-04-2005

Loven tillader fagforeninger og arbejdsgivere at forhandle pensions- og velfærdsplaner, der administreres af fælles arbejdsstyrelsesbestyrelser.
Det er i afsnit 302 (c) (5) og er kodificeret ved 29 U.S.C. 186 (c) (5).
Forsikring kan dække lægehjælp eller hospitalsbehandling, pensioner, erstatning for skader, arbejdsløshed, livsforsikring, ulykke, sygdom eller handicapforsikring.
Loven er stadig gældende.

Dr. Milton A. Reid - 1/12/2004

Jeg vil vide, om Taft Hartley -loven vedrørende forsikring
er alle amerikanere stadig i drift? Hvilken slags forsikring
der kan gives i henhold til denne lov?

Dee - 15/11/2003

Jeg ledte efter en hurtig reference til arven fra Wagner -loven. Det ser ud til, at jeg har fundet en!

Chas. - 24.9.2003

Jeg arbejder for en større jernbane i USA, det er det største faktum. jeg er fagforeningsmedlem, uanset om jeg vil eller ej !! de tager stadig fagforeningskontingent ud af min check hver måned. jeg tror, ​​at enhver person i USA, der arbejder for et stort firma, der har en fagforening, har ret til at strejke. det beskytter kun de arbejdende mennesker. hvis ikke for strejker kommer den arbejdende bagud i lønninger og fordele, og den store mand på toppen bliver kun federe !!

Joe Mellor - 19.9.2003

jeg kan godt lide historie på tirsdage!

Margaret S. Blanchard - 18.9.2003

Gail McDaniel - 17.9.2003

Jeg studerer denne sag til en afsluttende eksamen i min forretningsret. Denne artikel hjælper. Var der taget andre juridiske skridt i denne sag, som du kender til? GAil

Wendy - 7/11/2003

Tak for den store artikel. Det var en fed kilde til information på mit papir om faktorer, der bidrog til passage af Taft Hartley.

Sara - 27.5.2003

hvad taler du om sex har intet at gøre med arbejdsloven.

Kb - 28-04-2003

dette hjælper meget i betragtning af at du svarede præcis hvad jeg havde brug for til min regeringsklasse.


Nøgleændringer og ændringer

Taft-Hartley skitserede seks uretfærdige handlinger fra fagforeningernes side og gav retsmidler i form af ændringer for at beskytte medarbejderne mod skade som følge af denne praksis. Tidligere havde Wagner -loven kun taget fat på urimelig arbejdsmetoder, der blev udført af arbejdsgivere. I 1947 ændrede præsident Harry Truman dele af NLRA, da han vedtog Taft-Hartley Act. Denne lov oprettede gældende love om ret til arbejde, som tillader stater at forbyde obligatorisk medlemskab af en fagforening som betingelse for ansættelse i den offentlige og private sektor i landet.

  1. En ændring beskyttet medarbejdernes rettigheder i henhold til § 7 i Wagner -loven, som gav medarbejderne ret til at danne fagforeninger og indgå i kollektive forhandlinger med arbejdsgivere. Denne ændring beskytter medarbejderne mod urimelig tvang fra fagforeninger, der kan resultere i diskrimination af medarbejdere.
  2. Et andet ændringsforslag sagde, at en arbejdsgiver ikke kan nægte at ansætte potentielle medarbejdere, fordi de ikke vil slutte sig til en fagforening. En arbejdsgiver har dog ret til at underskrive en aftale med en fagforening, der kræver, at en medarbejder slutter sig til fagforeningen på eller før medarbejderens 30. ansættelsesdag.
  3. Et tredje ændringsforslag fastslog, at fagforeninger har et krav om at forhandle i god tro med arbejdsgiverne. Dette ændringsforslag afbalancerede bestemmelserne i Wagner -loven, som krævede forhandlinger i god tro fra arbejdsgiverne.
  4. En fjerde ændring forbød sekundære boykotter fra fagforeninger. For eksempel, hvis en fagforening har en tvist med en arbejdsgiver, kan fagforeningen ifølge loven ikke tvinge eller opfordre en anden enhed til at stoppe med at handle med den pågældende arbejdsgiver.
  5. Et femte ændringsforslag forbød fagforeninger at udnytte deres medlemmer eller arbejdsgivere. Fagforeninger blev forbudt at opkræve deres medlemmers overdrevne startgebyrer eller kontingent. Det var også forbudt for fagforeninger at få arbejdsgivere til at betale for arbejde, som dets medlemmer ikke udførte.
  6. Et sjette ændringsforslag tilføjede en ytringsfrihedsklausul for arbejdsgivere. Arbejdsgivere har ret til at udtrykke deres synspunkter og meninger om arbejdsspørgsmål, og disse synspunkter udgør ikke urimelig arbejdsmetoder, forudsat at arbejdsgiveren ikke truer med at tilbageholde fordele eller foretage anden gengældelse over for medarbejdere.

I februar 2021 genindførte kongressen loven om national ret til arbejde. Det ville give medarbejdere på landsplan et valg om at fravælge at deltage eller betale kontingent til fagforeninger. Loven blev også indført i 2019 og 2017, men gik i stå. I marts 2021 vedtog USA's Repræsentanternes Hus lov om beskyttelse af retten til at organisere (PRO Act). Den fagforeningslige lovgivning tilsidesætter love om ret til at arbejde og ville gøre det lettere at danne fagforeninger. PRO -loven står over for en opadgående kamp i Senatet, da de fleste republikanere er imod det.

Følgende stater har love om ret til arbejde: Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Kansas, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, Nebraska, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, West Virginia, Wisconsin og Wyoming.


Arbejdsretten sidder fast i 1947. Det er ingen overraskelse, at virksomheder fortsat vinder

I 1947, da republikanerne tog kontrol over kongressen for første gang siden den store depression, gik de straks ud for at svække fagforeninger. Lovforslaget, de udarbejdede, fremkaldte skarp fordømmelse fra demokraterne: Adam Clayton Powell Jr., den første sorte kongresmedlem valgt i New York, sammenlignede det med slavearbejde og sagde, at det lige så let kunne have været indført på Rigsdagen i nazismens dage på dets tid værste. & rdquo

Den næste dag vedtog huset lovforslaget med overvældende støtte fra republikanere og sydlige demokrater. Senatet vedtog hurtigt sin egen version. Præsident Harry Truman nedlagde veto mod det og kaldte det et lovgivende stykke lovgivning. & Rdquo Men det blev lov, da senatet sluttede sig til huset for at tilsidesætte sit veto.

Loven, kendt som Taft-Hartley, efter dens republikanske hovedsponsorer, læste som en ønskeliste fra de virksomheder, der hjalp med at skrive den som reaktion på en bølge af strejker, der søgte højere lønninger. Blandt mange andre angreb på arbejdskraft gav det virksomhederne & ldquofree speech & rdquo-rettigheder, de nu bruger til at tvinge medarbejdere til at deltage i anti-fagforeningspropaganda-sessioner, der forbød sekundære boykotter, hvor fagforeninger nægtede at arbejde med virksomheder, hvis arbejdere var i strejke og tillod stater at passere højre -arbejdslove, som fratager fagforeninger kontingent fra alle arbejdere, der ikke ønsker at betale ind.

I bund og grund var loven en afvisning af den skelsættende National Labor Relations Act, som kongressen havde vedtaget i 1935 for at tilskynde til kollektive forhandlinger. I de 73 år siden har ingen større fagforeningslovgivning erstattet den. Havde der ikke været vedtaget immigrationslove siden 1940'erne, ville vesteuropæere stadig have prioriteret adgang til landet, og asiater ville blive forbudt direkte at blive borgere. Uden borgerrettighedslovgivning siden da ville adskillelse stadig være lovlig efter føderal lov. Set fra det perspektiv er det ikke så overraskende, at Amazon formåede at knuse et fagforeningsdrev i Bessemer, Alabama.

Men nu, efter en række demokratiske præsidenter gennem årtierne med anstrengte relationer til organiseret arbejdskraft, er der en selvudråbt mand og rdquo i Det Hvide Hus. Et lovforslag, der ville fortryde meget af Taft-Hartley (og gå meget længere), passerede Parlamentet i marts. Loven om beskyttelse af retten til at organisere (PRO Act) har 47 tilhængere i Senatet, mod 42 i den sidste kongres. Det vil næsten helt sikkert blive lov i sin helhed, så længe filibusteren eksisterer, men det kan være muligt at vedtage nogle af dens bestemmelser gennem budgetafstemningsprocessen, som kun kræver et rent flertal. Efter trekvart århundredes frustration for fagforeninger er arbejdskraft endelig ved at komme tættere på at modtage et løft fra kongressen.


Efter 64 år betaler jeg stadig prisen for Taft-Hartley

64 år efter dens passage den 24. juni 1947 fortsætter Taft-Hartley Act med at skade arbejdstagere.

Hvordan blev den skelsættende lovgivning mod arbejdskraft, der på det tidspunkt blev støttet af Joe McCarthy og Richard Nixon, landets lov?

Tidligere, i 1935, havde fagforeningsledere arbejdet med den amerikanske senator Robert Wagner for at oprette en lov kaldet National Labor Relations Act. på arbejdspladsen fandtes ikke i USA.

NLRA erklærede faktisk opmuntring til overenskomstforhandlinger til at være den amerikanske regerings politik. Da Wagner præsenterede lovforslaget for senatet, erklærede han: “Demokrati kan ikke fungere, medmindre det bliver hædret på fabrikken såvel som valglokalet. ”

NLRA gjorde det ulovligt for chefer at fyre eller diskriminere arbejdere, der organiserede eller støttede fagforeninger.

Under Anden Verdenskrig ofrede arbejdere og deres fagforeninger løn- og ydelsesforhøjelser, men da krigen var om bilarbejdere, ville kødpakkerier, stålarbejdere og andre have en rimelig andel af den dengang hurtigt voksende fortjeneste, som deres chefer tog til. Arbejdsgiverne begyndte at knuse fagforeninger ved blandt andet at bakke op om kandidater til offentligt embede, der ville fortryde den progressive lovgivning i New Deal, herunder NLRA.

Ved midtvejsvalget i 1946 vandt republikanerne kontrollen over begge kongreshuse.

Da de var på kontoret, var deres første mål NLRA. De meldte sig og fik støtte fra en stor del af demokraterne i kongressen, de såkaldte Dixiecrats, der støttede raceadskillelse. Lovforslaget, som senator Robert Taft fra Ohio og rep. Fred Hartley fra New Jersey endelig skubbede igennem kongressen, slog effektivt NLRA og præsident Harry Truman, over hvis veto foranstaltningen blev vedtaget, kaldte det “ slavearbejdsregningen. ”

Det forbød den lukkede butik (gjorde det ulovligt for arbejdsgivere at ansætte kun fagforeningsmedlemmer), tillod stater at forbudte fagforretninger, forbød sekundære boykotter og sympati -strejker, gav arbejdsgivere snarere end arbejdere ret til at bestemme, hvordan fagforeninger ville blive dannet på arbejdspladsen, og krævede, at alle fagforeningsembedsmænd løfter, at de ikke var kommunister. (Denne del af loven blev dømt forfatningsstridig i 1965.)

Taft-Hartley havde en umiddelbar negativ effekt på fagforeninger.

Kun et år før det blev bestået, havde CIO påbegyndt Operation Dixie, en massiv indsats for at forene sydlige arbejdere i bomuldstekstilproduktionsindustrien.

Passage of Taft-Hartley sikrede nederlaget for den organiserende kampagne, og da den blev standset i 1953 var kun 15 procent af de sydlige tekstilarbejdere blevet organiseret. Det var først i 1963, at en bestræbelse på at organisere sig hos J.P. Stevens Company ville begynde igen, og det tog 17 år, før den kamp endte med sejr.

Der er meget at lære fra passage af Taft-Hartley.

For det første gavner arbejdskraft, når det kæmper for enhed og for at stoppe diskrimination. Selve lovforslaget kunne kun vedtages, fordi afroamerikanere i syd i 1947 faktisk stadig blev nægtet stemmeret.

Sydlige lovgivere sagde, at de var nødt til at stoppe fagforeningens organisering, fordi hvis fagforeningerne lykkedes, ville det sætte scenen for afskaffelse af raceadskillelse. I dag fortsætter Syd som den mindst fagforenede del af landet og forbliver, selv blandt nogle moderne politikere i Det Demokratiske Parti, omdrejningspunktet for pro-faglige lovforslag som Employee Free Choice Act.

En anden lektion for i dag fra passagen af ​​Taft-Hartley er behovet for at stå op for heksejagt og frygt for mongering. Joe McCarthy og Richard Nixon blev begge valgt til kongressen i 1946 som antikommunistiske heksejægere og i 1947 viste de ved at støtte Taft-Hartley, hvad de egentlig handlede om. Hvor mange tepartikandidater i dag minder de os om?

En tredje lektion er, at når højrefløjen angriber, skal vi være klar til at smide vores gamle tilgange ud og overveje nye og dristige måder at kæmpe på. I 1947 spillede arbejderbevægelsen for ofte forsvar og forsøgte at holde fast i gevinsterne fra Roosevelt -årene i stedet for at tage nye udfordringer op fra højre.

I en kommentar til passagen af ​​Taft-Hartley-loven, for 64 år siden, sagde Eleanor Roosevelt, “ I stedet for at stramme arbejderbevægelsen ned, burde amerikanerne være ekstremt taknemmelige over for fagforeninger. ”

Det ser ud til, at den største lektie, der kan læres, er, at Eleanor Roosevelt's besked er relevant i dag og skal råbes ud over landet.

At dømme ud fra, hvad der skete i Wisconsin, og hvad der sker fra den ene ende af landet til den anden, kan den lektion endelig være blevet lært.


Loven gav regeringen mulighed for at undersøge arbejdskonflikter og beordre påbud mod strejker

Ud over sine andre kontroller af arbejdskonflikter tillod Taft-Hartley Act præsidenten at udpege et undersøgelsesudvalg for at undersøge arbejdskonflikter i tilfælde, hvor en strejke kunne bringe offentligheden og sundheden eller sikkerheden i fare. Efter modtagelse af bestyrelsen & rsquos -rapporten kunne præsidenten bede statsadvokaten om at søge et forbud mod en føderal domstol for at forhindre eller blokere enhver strejkehandling for at finde sted eller fortsætte. Hvis retten fandt, at strejken bragte offentlighedens sundhed eller sikkerhed i fare, kunne den meddele påbuddet og beordre de kontroversielle parter til at nå til et forlig inden for 60 dage.

Selvom den fastholdt forskellige aspekter af Wagner -loven fra 1935, forbød loven fra 1947 nogle fagforeningspraksis.

For eksempel forbød den forskelsbehandling af ikke -fagforeningsmedlemmer ved at ansætte fagforeninger og lukkede butikker (en lukket butik var en virksomhed eller virksomhed, der kun ansatte fagforeningsmedlemmer).

En omstridt bestemmelse tillod fagforretninger (som krævede, at nye rekrutter sluttede sig til fagforeningen inden for et bestemt tidsrum), medmindre statslovgivning forbød dem, det vil sige, at staterne vedtog lovgivning, der forbudte fagforretninger.

En anden bestemmelse krævede, at alle fagforeningsofficerer afgav ed og afgav en erklæring inden for den foregående tolvmånedersperiode om, at de ikke var medlemmer af kommunistpartiet eller var tilknyttet et parti, der troede på eller gik ind for, at den amerikanske regering blev styrtet.


I religion

40 er sandsynligvis det mest anvendte tal i Bibelen og svarer til mange større begivenheder. For eksempel,

  • Under den store oversvømmelse regnede det i fyrre dage og fyrre nætter [1 Mosebog 7: 4, 12, 17,8: 6].
  • Isaac var fyrre år gammel, da han giftede sig med Rebekka [1 Mosebog 25:20].
  • Moses ’ livet er opdelt i tre segmenter på 40 år adskilt af hans flugt fra Egypten og hans tilbagevenden for at lede sit folk ud.
  • Moses tilbragte tre på hinanden følgende perioder på “fyrre dage og fyrre nætter ” på Sinai -bjerget i de fyrre dage, hvor han modtog loven i Sinaipagten [2 Mosebog 24:18], Israels børn blev testet [2 Mosebog 32: 1 ].
  • Det hebraiske folk boede i Sinai -ørkenen i “fyrre år ”. Denne årgang repræsenterer den tid, det tager, før en ny generation opstår.
  • Fyrre dage efter hans fødsel blev et mandligt barn af Israel indviet til Gud i helligdommen [3. Mosebog 12: 1-4].
  • De israelitiske spioner genkendte landet Kana'an i fyrre dage [4 Mosebog 13:25], og Kaleb var fyrre år gammel, da Moses sendte ham for at genkende Kana'an [Josua 14: 7].
  • Der var fyrre års mellemrum med fred i dommernes alder (Dommerne 3:11 5:31 8:28)
  • Der var fyrre års krig mellem Israel og filistrene.
  • Flere jødiske ledere og konger siges at have regeret i “forty år ”, det vil sige en generation. (Eksempler: Eli, Saul, David, Solomon.)
  • Goliath udfordrede israelitterne to gange om dagen i fyrre dage, før David besejrede ham.
  • 40 vipper er en af ​​de straffe Sanhedrin har givet, selvom der i praksis kun blev administreret 39 vipper.
  • Jesus fastede i ørkenen i fyrre dage før hans fristelse [Matt 4: 2 Mark 1:13 Luk 4: 2].
  • Jesus underviste sine disciple i fyrre dage efter opstandelsen. Den fjortende dag steg han op til Faderen [Apostelgerninger 1: 3].
  • I moderne kristen praksis består fasten af ​​de 40 dage forud for påske. I store dele af den vestlige kristendom er søndage udelukket fra optællingen i østlig kristendom, søndage er inkluderet.
  • I islamisk tro var Muhammed fyrre år gammel, da han første gang modtog åbenbaringen af ​​ærkeenglen Gabriel.
  • Masih ad-Dajjal vandrer rundt på Jorden i fyrre dage, en periode der kan være op til fyrre måneder, fyrre år osv.
  • Koranen siger, at en person først er fuldt voksen, når de fylder 40 år.
  • Nogle russere mener, at de dødes spøgelser dvæler på stedet for deres død i fyrre dage.
  • I hinduismen består nogle populære religiøse bønner af fyrre shlokas eller dohas (koblinger, strofer). Den mest almindelige er Hanuman Chalisa (chaalis er det hindi -udtryk for 40).
  • I hinduistisk system består nogle af de populære faste -perioder 40 dage og kaldes perioden One ‘Mandl kal ’ Kal betyder en periode, og Mandal kal betyder en periode på 40 dage. For eksempel hengivne af ‘Swami Ayyappa ’, navnet på en hinduistisk gud, der er meget populær i Kerala, Indien (Sabarimala Swami Ayyappan) strengt observeret fyrre dages faste og besøg (Kun mandlige hengivne har lov til at komme ind i templet i Gud ’s tempel) ) med deres hellige indsendelse eller tilbud den 41. eller en bekvem dag efter mindst 40 dages fastepraktik. Tilbuddet hedder ‘Kanikka ’.
  • Fyrre er atomnummeret for zirkonium.
  • Negativ fyrre er den unikke temperatur, ved hvilken Fahrenheit- og Celsius -skalaen svarer, dvs. -40 ° F = -40 ° C. Det kaldes enten “minus fyrre ” eller “forty nedenfor ”.
  • Planeten Venus danner et pentagram på nattehimlen hvert ottende år, hvor den vender tilbage til sit oprindelige punkt hvert 40. år med en 40 dages regression (nogle forskere mener, at disse gamle oplysninger var grundlaget for, at tallet 40 blev hellig for jøder, kristne, og muslimer).
  • STS-40
  • Selvom den blev betegnet STS-40, var dette faktisk den 41. flyvning med rumfærgen og den 11. flyvning i Columbia. Dens mission var at udføre Spacelab Life Sciences (SLS-1) -eksperimenterne, den første spacelab dedikeret til biovidenskabelig forskning. Dette omfattede eksperimenter, der undersøgte, hvordan hjertet, blodkarrene, lungerne, nyrerne og hormonudskillende kirtler reagerer på mikrogravitation, årsagerne til rumsygdom og ændringer i muskler, knogler og celler under mikrogravitationsmiljøet ved rumfart og i tilpasningen til tyngdekraften ved tilbagevenden til Jorden.
  • Lanceringen fandt sted den 5. juni 1991, 09:24:51 EDT. Det blev oprindeligt indstillet til den 22. maj 1991, men blev udskudt mindre end 48 timer før lanceringen, da det blev kendt, at en utæt flydende brinttransducer i orbiter -hovedfremdriftssystemet, der blev fjernet og udskiftet under en lækagetest i 1990, havde fejlet en analyse af sælger. Ingeniører frygtede, at en eller flere af de ni flydende brint- og flydende oxygentransducer, der stikker ind i brændstof- og oxidationslinjer, kunne bryde af og blive indtaget af motorturbopumperne, hvilket kunne forårsage motorfejl.
  • Derudover mislykkedes en af ​​orbiter -fem generelle computere fuldstændigt sammen med en af ​​multiplexer -demultiplexerne, der styrer orbiterhydraulikens ordinance og orbitermanøvreringssystem / reaktionskontrolsystemfunktioner i det bageste rum.
  • Ny computer og multiplexer demultiplexer blev installeret og testet. Ét flydende brint og to flydende ilt-transducere blev udskiftet opstrøms i drivgassystemet nær 17-tommer afbrydelsesområde, som er beskyttet af intern skærm. Tre transducere med flydende ilt udskiftes ved motormanifoldområdet, mens tre flydende brinttransducere her blev fjernet og åbninger tilsluttet. Start nulstilling til 8:00 EDT, 1. juni, men udskudt igen efter flere forsøg på at kalibrere inertial måleenhed 2 mislykkedes. Enheden blev udskiftet og testet igen, og lanceringen blev planlagt til den 5. juni. Lanceringsvægt: 251.970 lbs.
  • Kommandanten STS-40 var Marine Corps oberst Bryan D. O ’Connor. Andet besætning, luftvåbenets oberstløjtnant Sidney M. Gutierrez (pilot), James P. Bagian, MD Tamara E. Jernigan, ph.d. and Margaret Rhea Seddon, M.D. The payload specialists, Francis Andrew Gaffney, M.D., and Millie Hughes-Fulford, Ph.D.

In politics

  • South Dakota ranks 16th in size among the 50 states. It was the 40th state to join the Union in 1889. South Dakota encompasses 77,123 square miles, averaging 10 people per square mile.
  • Ronald Reagan, former actor and Governor of California (1967-75) was the fortieth President of the United States of America, from January 20, 1981 to January 20, 1989. His Vice President was George H. W. Bush.
  • Reagan’s Presidency was notable for at least two incidents.
  • On March 30, 1981, only 69 days into the new administration, Reagan, his press secretary James Brady, Washington police officer Thomas Delahanty, and Secret Service agent Timothy McCarthy were struck by gunfire from would-be assassin John Hinckley, Jr. outside the Washington Hilton Hotel. Although “close to death” during surgery, Reagan recovered and was released from the hospital on April 11, becoming the first serving U.S. President to survive being shot in an assassination attempt. The attempt had great influence on Reagan’s popularity polls indicated his approval rating to be around 73%. Reagan believed that God had spared his life so that he might go on to fulfill a greater purpose.
  • A couple of videos, the first rather long but interesting in that it shows the live story of the assassination attempt developing, and the second President Reagan recounting the assassination attempt from his personal perspective.
  • Another controversial incident involving President Reagan happened in summer of 1981 when PATCO, the union of federal air traffic controllers, went on strike, violating a federal law prohibiting government unions from striking. Reagan declared the situation an emergency as described in the 1947 Taft–Hartley Act, and stated that if the air traffic controllers “do not report for work within 48 hours, they have forfeited their jobs and will be terminated”. They did not return and on August 5, Reagan fired 11,345 striking air traffic controllers who had ignored his order, and used supervisors and military controllers to handle the nation’s commercial air traffic until new controllers could be hired and trained. As a leading reference work on public administration concluded, “The firing of PATCO employees not only demonstrated a clear resolve by the president to take control of the bureaucracy, but it also sent a clear message to the private sector that unions no longer needed to be feared.”
  • In football (soccer), forty is generally considered to be the number of points that a Premier League team (or, by extension, a team in any 20-team league with a standard home-and-away season) needs to avoid relegation.
  • In baseball, each team in Major League Baseball is allowed to have 40 players under major-league contracts at any given time (not including players on the 60-day disabled list). From September 1 to the end of the regular season, teams are allowed to expand their game-day rosters to include the entire 40-man roster.
  • In tennis, the number 40 represents the third point gained in a game. A score of 40-40 (three points each) is called “deuce”, at which time a player must score two consecutive points to win the game.
  • Beginning with the 2013 season, forty cars will run each race in NASCAR’s second-level Nationwide Series.
  • The jersey number 40 has been retired by several North American sports teams in honor of past playing greats or other key figures:
  • In Major League Baseball: the Houston Astros, for Don Wilson the Pittsburgh Pirates, for Danny Murtaugh, most noted as the team’s longtime manager.

  • In the NBA: the Denver Nuggets, for Byron Beck the Detroit Pistons, for Bill Laimbeer.
  • In the NFL: the Arizona Cardinals, for Pat Tillman the Chicago Bears, for Hall of Famer Gale Sayers the New England Patriots, for Hall of Famer Mike Haynes the New York Giants, for Joe Morrison the Philadelphia Eagles, for Tom Brookshier.

In militaria

  • Curtiss P-40 Warhawk
  • Manufactured by Curtiss-Wright Corporation of Buffalo, New York and designed by Donovan Berlin, the Curtiss P-40 Warhawk’s first flight was on 14 October 1938. Over 13,700 were built and during its twenty year life it was used by the United States Army Air Forces, the Royal Air Force, Royal Australian Air Force, Royal Canadian Air Force, Royal New Zealand Air Force, and many others. A single-engine, single-seat, all-metal fighter and ground attack aircraft, it was used extensively by most Allied powers during World War II, and remained in front line service until the end of the war.
  • The British Commonwealth and Soviet air forces used the name Tomahawk for models equivalent to the P-40B and P-40C, and the name Kittyhawk for models equivalent to the P-40D and all later variants.
  • PPD40
  • The PPD (Pistolet-Pulemyot Degtyarova) was developed by famous Russian small arms designer Fedor Degtyarov. It was formally adopted by the Red Army in 1935 and entered limited production as the PPD-34. Made in small numbers, it was mostly relegated for NKVD use, mostly for border guards. Slightly modified in 1938, it was then produced until 1939 in PPD-34/38 variation, with newly developed 71 rounds drum with long neck.
  • After the Winter War experience (1940 war between USSR and Finland), new version of PPD has been rapidly developed, with the most visible change being the two-part stock, cut to accept new pattern of drums, which had no neck. This became the PPD-40.
  • After the outbreak of the Great Patriotic Warin 1941, it was soon been discovered that the PPD-40 is less than ideal for wartime production, so it was quickly replaced by the more efficient and inexpensive PPSh-41, which appeared in great numbers and was widely used by Red Army.
  • MP40
  • One of the most famous submachine gun designs in history, the M.P. 38 submachine gun started its life under requirements from German Heereswaffenamt (HWA, Army Weapons Office), which saw the need for a compact submachine gun, suitable for use by armored vehicles crews and paratroopers.
  • German arms-making company Erfurter Maschinenfabrik Gmbh, better known under its trade name Erma, began the development of a new weapon under HWA specifications. It was manufactured for just 2 years, when it was replaced in production by externally similar, but less expensive MP-40, which used more stamped parts instead of machined parts, found in MP-38.
  • There also were minor variations in design of MP-38, such as shape of cocking handle etc. MP-40 was also produced in a number of variations, which differed in shape of certain parts also, toward the end of the war, several production shortcuts were introduced to save the costs of manufacturing. probably the most interesting variation of the MP-40 were the MP-40-II and MP-40-II. These guns featured dual magazine housings which hold two magazines in a laterally sliding bracket. This increase the total ammunition capacity “in the gun” to 64 rounds, in a desperate attempt to catch up with 71-round magazine capacity of Soviet PPSh-41. The later variant, MP-40-II, was made in limited numbers, but turned out to be a failure – sliding dual-magazine housing was a constant source of jams and failures, and was very sensitive to dirt and fouling.
  • Nevertheless, the MP-40 submachine guns were of good design, and set the pattern for so called “second generation” of submachine guns (“first generation” being represented by the wood-stocked and carefully machined MP-18, MP-28 and the like). The second generation weapons usually were of compact design, and made using mostly steel stampings and pressings, or castings.
  • Many MP-40 that survived the WW2, continued to serve up until late 1970s or early 1980s, in few European armies such as Austrian or Norwegian.

  • Taurus MP40
  • During the 1990s Taurus replaced in production its MT-12A submachine gun (licensed copy of the Beretta PM-12) with another foreign design, this time purchased from Chile.
  • Originally known as the FAMAE SAF, in Brazil it is made in a slightly modified form as the Taurus MT-9 (in 9mm Luger) and MT-40 (in .40SW, especially for the Brazilian police forces that favor this caliber). In this case, the MT index stands for Metralhadora Taurus – Taurus Submachine gun, and the digits denote a caliber.
  • Taurus also makes an interesting offshoot of the MT-40, the CT-40 semi-automatic carbine, which is also intended for police and security use but is restricted to semi-automatic fire and has somewhat longer barrel.

  • SVT-40
  • The SVT-38 (Samozaryadnaya Vintovka Tokareva – Tokarev Self-loading rifle) was originally adopted in the 1938 after more than 20 years of the research and development, done by famous Russian arms designer Fedor Tokarev.
  • This rifle was made in relatively large numbers (more than 1 million made prior to 1945), and was originally issued as a standard infantry rifle, replacing the obsolete Mosin-Nagant M1891/30 bolt action rifles. A few SVT-40 were also manufactured in the sniper variant, (only about 50 000) equipped with scope mounts and telescopic sights, but accuracy was not sufficient.
  • The SVT-40 had a somewhat controversial reputation. It was highly regarded by the enemies (Finns and Germans) and it was a very sought-after war trophy, re-issued to both German and Finnish troops. On the other hand, it was often considered unreliable and over-complicated by the Soviet troops (when comparing with old Mosin-Nagant rifles), but it was more to the poor training and maintenance, than to the rifle itself. Some better trained and educated Soviet troops, such as Sea Infantry (Marines, which always were some kind of elite in the Soviet army) used the SVT-40 with great deal of success.

  • Husqvarna M/40
  • The ‘Luger-like’ L-35 pistol was developed by the Finnish designer Aimo Lahti and manufactured by Finnish company VKT from 1935 until 1985 or so. It was adopted as a standard sidearm for Finnish army in 1935.
  • In 1940, Sweden purchased a license for Lahti pistol, simplified it and began production as a Husqvarna M/40 pistol. Due to simplification and poor quality of steel used in M/40, these guns tended to crack when fired 9mm “submachinegun” ammunition, and also M/40 were less reliable than original L-35s, so in the 1980s almost all M/40s were recalled from military service and replaced by older m/07 pistol (licensed Browning M1903 pistols) as an emergency feature.

  • HK-UMP40
  • The UMP (Universal Machinen-Pistole = Universal Submachine Gun) had been developed by the Heckler & Koch company of Germany in the mid- to late- 1990s and first appeared on the markets in 1999. The key idea behind the UMP was to create a lightweight and powerful submachine gun, that was also cheaper than one of the H&K’s flagships, the MP-5. UMP, being targeted primary for USA law enforcement market, first appeared in .45ACP and .40SW chamberings, and later – in 9mm.
  • The UMP is a blowback-operated select-fire submachine gun, being fired from the closed bolt. The receiver is made from the polymer, the controls are fully ambidextrous. UMP can be fired in full-auto, in single shots, and in 2 or 3 round bursts (optional). UMP also has bolt hold-open device, which traps the bolt in the open position when the last round from magazine had been fired. UMP has side-folding buttstock and two set of picatinny rails – one on the top of the receiver, and the other – on the forend. These rails can accept wide variety of sighting and other equipment, such as red-dot sights, laser pointers, tactical grips and flashlights. The barrel has quick mount for snap-on silencer.

In books, music and movies

  • Forty Shades of Green is a visual term for rural Ireland, Johnny Cash popularised it with his 1961 song of the name.
  • 󈬘” is a 1983 song by U2 from their album War
  • 󈬘′” is the title of a song by Franz Ferdinand
  • The American-Japanese rock band Crush 40 from Sega’s Sonic the Hedgehog video game series with Hardline vocalist Johnny Gioeli and guitarist Jun Senoue
  • Canadian hip-hop producer Noah Shebib is known as 󈬘”.
  • A well known radio program is the American Top 40
  • Rick Dees hosts a Weekly Top 40 radio program
  • The best known story from a Thousand and One Nights is Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves which has been made in movie and cartoon versions

  • Movies with 󈧬’ in their titles include
  • 󈬘 Carats”, about a forty year old woman who was vacationing in Greece
  • 󈬘 Days and Nights”, a modern take on a Noah’s Ark tale
  • “The 40 Year Old Virgin”, a comedy about, well, a 40 year old virgin

  • “This is 40”, a sequel to the 2007 movie ‘Knocked Up’ about at the lives of characters Pete and Debbie a few years on.

Other stuff

  • The expression “forty winks”, meaning a short sleep
  • There is the famous Saying “Life begins at forty”
  • Forty years of marriage is a ruby wedding anniversary
  • The international direct dial phone code for Romania is 40
  • The number of weeks for an average term of pregnancy, counting from the woman’s last menstrual period is forty.
  • There is an Arabic proverb that says, ‘To understand a people, you must live among them for 40 days.’
  • A regular work week in some western countries consists of forty hours.
  • There are forty spaces in a standard Monopoly game board

And finally,

Last, but definitely not least, perhaps one of the greatest ever inventions also carries the 󈧬’ tag. It is WD-40.

WD-40 is the trademark name of a penetrating oil and water-displacing spray, developed in 1953 by Norm Larsen, founder of the Rocket Chemical Company, in San Diego, California.

The term ‘WD-40’, is an abbreviation of the phrase “Water Displacement, 40th formula”.

Larsen was attempting to create a formula to prevent corrosion in nuclear missiles, by displacing the standing water that causes it. He claims he arrived at a successful formula, which is primarily composed of various hydrocarbons, on his 40th attempt.

WD-40 was first used by Convair to protect the outer skin, and more importantly, the paper thin “balloon tanks” of the Atlas missile from rust and corrosion.

WD-40 first became commercially available on store shelves in San Diego in 1958


What Was the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947? (with pictures)

The Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 is more appropriately termed the Labor-Management Relations Act. It gets the former of these two names from the co-sponsoring of the bill by House Representative Fred A. Harley, Jr, and Senator Robert Taft. The initial bill was used to more clearly define actions labor unions could take in the event of disagreements with management, and also defined the actions permissible by management during a labor/management dispute. The act was not supported by all, and was especially not supported by then President Harry Truman, who actually vetoed the bill. Nevertheless, Congress overrode the veto and made the bill law.

The senator and representative authoring the Taft-Hartley Act were attempting to amend an act that formerly governed labor and management disputes. This was the 1935 Wagner Act or National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). Essentially the Taft-Hartley Act added a number of prohibited activities for labor, and gave the Federal government power to issue injunctions to end strikes if those strikes posed hazards to American people.

One provision of the Taft-Hartley Act is the banning of jurisdictional strikes. These are strikes undertaken by union members because they want certain types of jobs. Other forms of strikes outlawed by the Taft-Hartley Act include wildcat strikes and secondary boycotts. Wildcat strikes are those undertaken by union members without union authorization. A secondary boycott is the lobbying of a union of other companies to boycott the businesses that continue to do business with companies with striking workers.

Another concern of the Taft-Hartley Act was that people who belonged to unions might be communists. Early on, many unions appeared to endorse some of the beliefs held in Marxism, and the post-World War II era brought American fear of communism to new heights. To attempt to separate labor movements from communism, the Act required union leaders to sign statements swearing they were not communists.

One aspect of the bill that seemed to strike at the heart of the labor movement was the empowerment of management to fire supervisors with union sympathies. This tension between lower level management and striking employees is still felt today. Usually supervisors are salaried, and thus no longer belong to unions. Through the Taft-Hartley Act, continued union sympathy or pro-union sentiment could be countered by threatening or taking people’s jobs.

Many who criticized the Taft-Hartley Act felt that it was unbalanced, a blow to unions and too oriented on giving management advantages against strikes. There have been several attempts to repeal the Act, often when Democratic presidents have been in office. Both Presidents Carter and Clinton fought to repeal it, but were unsuccessful.

Tricia has a Literature degree from Sonoma State University and has been a frequent contributor for many years. She is especially passionate about reading and writing, although her other interests include medicine, art, film, history, politics, ethics, and religion. Tricia lives in Northern California and is currently working on her first novel.

Tricia has a Literature degree from Sonoma State University and has been a frequent contributor for many years. She is especially passionate about reading and writing, although her other interests include medicine, art, film, history, politics, ethics, and religion. Tricia lives in Northern California and is currently working on her first novel.


Right-to-Work and Union Density

Nationally, RTW — and the larger pushback against the New Deal of which it was a part — arrested the rise in union membership. In the long arc of union gains and losses across the last century (see graphic below), three junctures stand out: the Wagner Act’s passage in 1933, Taft-Hartley’s enactment in 1947, and the heavy losses stemming from trade and deindustrialization since the 1970s.

Behind those national numbers, unsurprisingly, RTW states boast lower union membership across this era. In part, this is a reflection of where they started. Until ALEC and its confederates started pressing RTW in Rust Belt states in recent years, the legislation had passed almost exclusively in settings where organized labor already claimed little economic or political purchase. Across the South, RTW went hand-in-hand with both Jim Crow labor markets and bottom-feeding economic development strategies, all of which contributed to the failure of the CIO’s “Operation Dixie” organizing drive in 1946 and 1947. In the Midwest and Mountain West, RTW locked in low levels of union density and slowed the growth of labor as a political force.

We only have good union membership data — by state and by sector — from the early 1980s on, but the pattern is pretty clear. In the visualizations of this data (below), the states are strung like pearls along each year — RTW states, red others blue. The “box-and-whisker” for each year traces the variability across the states: the center point of each box is the median state the top and bottom of the box mark off the seventy-fifth and twenty-fifth percentiles (the “interquartile range”) the top and bottom whiskers reach out to values that are no more than 1.5 times the interquartile range outliers in the data fall beyond the whiskers.

With the exception of Nevada (an outlier due to historically strong union presence in the hotel and restaurant industry), the RTW states crowd the lower rungs of the state ranking — falling well below the national median in each year. The more modest membership levels are to be expected: RTW (which allows covered workers to ride free on the backs of dues-paying members) raises the costs of winning union elections, delivering benefits, and sustaining membership.

Still, this set of data is just a glimpse of the overall picture. Because it’s purely descriptive, it may capture differences — such as a local “taste” for union representation — that explain both RTW adoption and lower levels of membership. In order to isolate the impact of RTW, we need to control for other effects and variables, especially the mix of industries and workers across states.

When we do so, it is clear that enacting RTW, while not eroding the existing base of membership, certainly slows its growth, yielding dramatic dips in the level of expected organizing immediately after adoption, and steady and moderate declines thereafter.

Estimating the expected flow into union membership (based on sectoral growth and certification elections), David Ellwood and Glenn Fine observe a 5 to 10 percent reduction in membership due to RTW approval alone. Using microdata to isolate those private sector workers directly affected by RTW, Joe Davis and John Huston find that RTW decreases the likelihood of union membership by 8.2 to 8.9 percent. In the Midwest, Indiana (which passed a RTW law in 2012), Michigan (2013), and Wisconsin (2015) have all seen steeper membership losses than neighboring states.


Elmsprogressivemedia


It is the purpose and policy of this Act, in order to promote the full flow of commerce, to prescribe the legitimate rights of both employees and employers in their relations affecting commerce, to provide orderly and peaceful procedures for preventing the interference by either with the legitimate rights of the other, to protect the rights of individual employees in their relations with labor organizations whose activities affect commerce, to define and proscribe practices on the part of labor and management which affect commerce and are inimical to the general welfare, and to protect the rights of the public in connection with labor disputes affecting commerce.


T he Taft-Hartley Act (61 Stat. 136), also known as the Labor Management Relations Act of 1947, was created after a great number of large-scale strikes had nearly disabled the automobile, steel, and packing industries, among others. These work stoppages had caused a ripple effect through the economy, leading to public panic. The Taft-Hartley Act, an amendment to the Wagner Act of 1935, was designed to benefit all parties to a labor agreement—the employer, employees, and the labor union. Whereas the Wagner Act had spoken only of the right to participate in union activities, the new act included the right to refrain from union activities. It was clear that this new act was designed to level the unfair playing field formerly tipped in favor of labor unions.

FEATURES OF THE ACT

To reach that result, the act placed restrictions on unions that were already imposed on the employer. For example, the act made it illegal to restrain or coerce employees wishing to exercise their rights to self-organization. Also made illegal were secondary strikes, secondary boycotts, and sympathy strikes, which were designed to influence employers other than those with whom the union had a contract. Many union leaders and supporters were unhappy with these new laws, and would seek repeal or revision on many different occasions.

The act gave the employer a First Amendment right to free speech that had been severely limited by the former laws. This change allowed the employer to speak out against unionization as long as the speech did not contain threats or promises to employees. The act also limited the liability of employers based on acts of managers or supervisors to those who would be considered part of these supervisors’ official duty. Therefore an employer could not be held liable for a supervisor who was harassing union members for reasons unrelated to the supervisor’s actual job duties.

In addition, the Taft-Hartley Act allowed states to enact right-to-work laws, which made it illegal to set union membership as a condition for employment. Many states did choose to enact such laws. Other changes included removing supervisors from the bargaining unit so as to avoid the possibility of conflicting interests, and placing guards in a separate bargaining unit without any rank-and-file members. There were also special rules for professional workers allowing them to choose whether or not they wished to be part of a separate bargaining unit.

Finally, the act required a both sides of a labor contract to bargain in good faith, which means they must meet at regular times and try to reach an agreement on a range of issues related to the employment contract. The parties must also create a written contract that includes any agreed-upon provisions. Additionally, the act created the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service (FMCS) to assist in the settlement of labor disputes and increased the number of National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) members from three to five.

CIRCUMSTANCES LEADING TO ENACTMENT

During World War II labor organizations had increased their membership at a record pace. The government relied on the labor unions during the war and


Three powerful labor leaders—John L. Lewis, Walter Reuther, and George Meany—ride a horse, whose head is an axe, toward the Taft-Hartley Act, which put restrictions on organized labor. Published in the Buffalo Courier-Express, February 24, 1953, this cartoon reflects the demands of labor to amend, if not repeal, the act. (COURTESY OF E. H. BUTLER LIBRARY, BUFFALO STATE COLLEGE, BUFFALO COURIER-EXPRESS COLLECTION/LIBRARY OF CONGRESS)

even made agreements with them to prevent strikes and keep production from slowing down or grinding to a halt. During this postwar period there were concerns that labor unions had grown too powerful, as evidenced by the impact that the large-scale strikes had had on the nation.

Whether in times of war or peace, the relationship between employer and employee can have an enormous impact on commerce. Because labor disputes can interrupt commerce, it is of great importance to the federal government to maintain open communication between labor unions and employers. The Constitution’s commerce clause, which allows the federal government to regulate interstate commerce, was the constitutional basis for the act.

PUBLIC AND LEGISLATIVE DEBATE

Proponents of the act mostly fell into two categories. The first group included those who were opposed to all collective bargaining of any kind. The second group consisted of people who were generally not opposed to collective bargaining but who felt the labor unions had gained too much power during the war. Both groups thought the government should put limitations on the unions that would coincide with the limitations already in place for employers. Still others felt that labor organizations had become a cover for racketeering (fraudulent business schemes involving intimidation) and other unsavory activities.

Prior to the Taft-Hartley Act, courts had gone back and forth on the issue of supervisors and their role in bargaining activities. Legislative debate over the act focused much attention on the exclusion of supervisors from the bargaining unit. Legislators in favor of the act believed that a firm exclusionary rule was necessary, and it was ultimately included in the final version of the act. Another debated topic was the exclusion of members of the Communist Party from union leadership. Many feared labor unions were predominantly controlled by communists, although that was most likely an overstatement. The act did contain such an exclusion, but it was later repealed.

POLITICAL CONTEXT

On the political front, President Harry S. Truman was calling for changes to the Wagner Act, while cautioning against legislation that could be considered punitive against the unions. The 1946 election brought a Republican majority to both houses of Congress for the first time in sixteen years. That majority wanted more changes than Truman had suggested and set about writing a new bill, which ultimately became the Taft-Hartley Act. Representative Fred A. Hartley, Jr., the chair of the House Committee on Education and Labor, sponsored the bill in the House of Representatives. Senator Robert A. Taft, the chair of the Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee, sponsored the bill in the Senate. The bill passed both houses, although the vote was much closer in the Senate than in the House.

President Truman then vetoed the bill on June 20, 1947. He felt that the proposed bill gave the government too much involvement in labor management relations. He also said that the reporting requirements for unions were overly burdensome and the bill would not have the effect desired by Congress. The House disagreed with Truman and quickly overrode the presidential veto. Two days of debate later, the Senate followed suit and the Taft-Hartley Act became law.

ENFORCEMENT AND JUDICIAL REVIEW

Enforcement of the Taft-Hartley Act comes in large part from the NLRB. With the advice and consent of the Senate, the president appoints the general counsel, who is responsible for conducting hearings in front of the NLRB. When one party wants to file unfair labor practice charges against the other party, that party may also do so in any federal court with proper jurisdiction.

The Supreme Court considered a part of the act in United States v. Brown (1965). The Court ruled that the laws preventing members or former members of the Communist Party from holding office in a labor union to be unconstitutional. Courts have gone on to define and shape various portions of the act while maintaining its congressional intent and integrity.

AMENDMENTS

The Taft-Hartley Act has been amended many times over the years, with the majority of amendments occurring in the 1950s. For example, in 1951 the act was amended to allow union shops to be formed without the formality of an authorization election. Later, in 1974, the act was amended to include corporations or associations that operate nonprofit hospitals and healthcare facilities.

The Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act of 1959 (LMRDA) was an extension of the Taft-Hartley Act and its reporting requirements. It established what is considered a bill of rights for union members. It also requires full, fair, and participatory elections, as well as disclosure of union financial statements and expenditures. It follows the Taft-Hartley Act’s intent to protect employers and employees while providing adequate means of dispute resolution.

EFFECTIVENESS

The Taft-Hartley Act remains a powerful tool for labor-management relations. From its narrow adoption, and despite its many opponents, the 1947 act continues to provide valuable protection to employees, employers, and labor unions. Although labor strikes are still a very real consequence of failed labor negotiations, the rules of the Taft-Hartley Act have reduced the severity and frequency of such strikes.

See also: NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ACT NORRIS-LAGUARDIA ACT.

BIBLIOGRAFI

Cox, Archibald, Derek Curtis Bok, Robert A. Gorman, et al. Labor Law: Cases and
Materials, 13th ed. New York: Foundation Press, 2001.

Iserman, Theodore R. Changes to Make in Taft-Hartley. New York: Dealer’s Digest Publishing, 1953.

Jasper, Margaret C. Oceana’s Law for the Layperson: Labor Law. New York: Oceana Publications, 1998.

Raza, M. Ali, and A. Janell Anderson. Labor Relations and the Law. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1996.

INTERNET RESOURCE

The Wagner Act

The Taft-Hartley Act was an amendment to an earlier piece of legislation known as the Wagner Act, or the National Labor Relations Act. Passed in 1935, the law was named for Robert F. Wagner, a champion of the poor, minorities, and organized labor who served as a New York State senator, a New York State Supreme Court justice, and a U.S. senator from New York. Throughout his career Wagner was a major advocate of pro-Labor legislation, establishing public works programs, promoting industrial safety, and sponsoring numerous bills, including the Social Security Act. The legislation bearing his name contained three principal elements: First, it guaranteed American workers the right to join the labor union of their choice and to engage in collective bargaining second, it prohibited companies from interfering with labor unions or punishing union members and third, it established the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). The NLRB oversaw union elections, in which workers voted whether to be represented by a union, and if so, which one. The NLRB also heard grievances from workers who felt they had been treated improperly and was empowered to issue “cease and desist” orders to employers found to be violating the law. Extremely radical in its time, the Wagner Act is considered a cornerstone of American labor law.

National Labor Relations Board v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corporation (1937)

Immediately after it was established in 1935, the National Labor Relations Board was the object of a wave of lawsuits and injunctions initiated by businesses and anti-labor organizations seeking to challenge its legality and prevent it from operating as out lined in the Wagner Act. In 1937, in the case of the National Labor Relations Board v. Jones & Laughlin Steel
Corporation, the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Wagner Act and ensured the continued operation of the NLRB. The majority opinion, written by Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes, hinged on the idea that labor unrest could disrupt interstate commerce, so Congress was indeed within its rights to provide a mechanism such as the NLRB to help prevent strikes. At the same time, the ruling described relationships between employers and employees as being inherently unequal and maintained that collective bargaining was an appropriate tool to redress the inequality. The Court prohibited employers from blacklisting union members, employing spies to report on union activities, and other unfair practices.

Kilde: Major Acts of Congress, ©2004 Gale Cengage. Alle rettigheder forbeholdes.
Full copyright .


Se videoen: A Short History of Trade Unions