Pequot -massakrer begynder

Pequot -massakrer begynder

Under Pequot -krigen angriber en allieret puritaner og Mohegan -styrke under den engelske kaptajn John Mason en Pequot -landsby i Connecticut, hvor han brænder eller massakrerer omkring 500 indianske kvinder, mænd og børn.

Da puritanerne i Massachusetts Bay spredte sig længere ind i Connecticut, kom de i stigende konflikt med Pequots, en stamme centreret om Themsen i det sydøstlige Connecticut. I foråret 1637 var 13 engelske kolonister og handlende blevet dræbt af Pequot, og Massachusetts Bay -guvernør John Endecott organiserede en stor militær styrke for at straffe indianerne. Den 23. april reagerede 200 Pequot -krigere trodsigt på den koloniale mobilisering ved at angribe en bosættelse i Connecticut, dræbe seks mænd og tre kvinder og tage to piger væk.

Den 26. maj 1637, to timer før daggry, marcherede puritanerne og deres indiske allierede på Pequot -landsbyen ved Mystic og slagtede alle på nær en håndfuld af dens indbyggere. Den 5. juni angreb kaptajn Mason en anden Pequot-landsby, denne nær nærværende Stonington, og igen blev de indiske indbyggere besejret og massakreret. Den 28. juli skete et tredje angreb og massakre nær nutidens Fairfield, og Pequot-krigen sluttede. De fleste af de overlevende Pequot blev solgt til slaveri, selvom en håndfuld slap for at slutte sig til andre sydlige New England -stammer.


Inden englænderne ankom, bestod Pequot Nation af omkring 13.000 sjæle strakt over et stort område i det sydlige Connecticut. I årtierne op til pilgrimernes ankomst til den nye verden havde Pequot udvidet deres indflydelse i området og skabt et stort handelsnetværk. Ved at kontrollere bevægelsen af ​​skaller, der bruges til at lave wampum – dekorative sortiment af perler, der blev stadig mere populær som en handelsvare i den europæiske kolonialismes æra – etablerede Pequots sig som den mest magtfulde nation i det sydlige New England.

Efter europæisk kontakt passerede de demografiske katastrofer op og ned ad østkysten forbi Pequot. Til sidst kom sygdommen imidlertid ind i deres byer. Når europæiske patogener ankom blandt Pequot, faldt deres befolkning på 13.000 til 3.000: et kæmpe fald på 77% procent. Ikke desto mindre beholdt de deres plads som den fremtrædende nation i området.

Pequots ’dominerende stilling i det sydlige New England tiltrak flere af deres naboers vrede. Moheganen (som nogle kilder siger, engang var en del af Pequot og delte sig under deres leder Uncas) og Narragansett kæmpede med Pequots om en bedre position i regionens geo-politik.

Dette var den verden, puritanerne trådte ind i.


Indhold

Englænderne (og deres Narragansett og Mohegan allierede) drev Pequot fra deres hjem i kølvandet på den mystiske massakre i maj 1637. På flugt mod vest langs Connecticut-kysten ankom Pequot til Sasqua Village, nutidens Fairfield, hvor de søgte tilflugt med Sasquas -indianerne, en stamme på omkring 200 medlemmer. [1]

Hartford Retten afsendte kaptajn Israel Stoughton og hans tropper, der talte omkring 120 soldater til det sydlige Connecticut, med det mål at afslutte Pequot -krigen og erobringen af ​​Sassacus, Pequot -chefen sachem. Da de bevægede sig mod vest, stødte englænderne på strejfende fra Pequots -bandet og opnåede efterretninger om, hvor Sassacus og hans medstammer befandt sig. [2] Da de engelske styrker nærmede sig Sasqua Village, afslørede flere Pequot på en bakke lige ud over englænderne deres position. I erkendelse af dette forsøgte de at flygte. Englænderne fulgte dem for at undersøge. De kompromitterede Pequots styrtede op ad bakken, englænderne fulgte. Pequot søgte tilflugt i en sump, senere kaldet Sadque, og englænderne fortsatte med at søge i den forladte landsby og omringe sumpen Pequots havde søgt tilflugt i. Løjtnant Davenport forsøgte at tvinge sig igennem, men en salve med pile forhindrede hans succes. [3]

Blandt deltagerne i slaget var kaptajn John Mason, manden ansvarlig for massakren ved Mystic, og Roger Ludlow, en statsmand fra Wethersfield. [1] De kombinerede engelske styrker omringede sumpen og affyrede runder ind i krattene. Disse handlinger var beregnet til at tvinge Pequot til forhandlinger om løsladelse af ikke-kombattanter. [2]

Dag 1 - 13. juli Rediger

Englænderne omringede Pequot -krigerne i en afstand på cirka fire meter fra hinanden. [2] Thomas Stanton, "en mand, der godt kender indisk sprog og manerer", blev sendt ind i sumpen for at tale med indianerne. Stanton var i stand til at forhandle et forlig med Sassacus om frigivelse af omkring 180 ældre mænd, kvinder og børn, der ville overgive sig til englænderne. [4] Ud over Pequot-ikke-stridende, der blev frigivet, blev Pequot-værterne, de 200 Sasquas-indianere også frigivet. [1] Cirka 100 Pequot -krigere var tilbage med Sassacus i sumpen. [2] De resterende krigere nægtede at overgive sig. Kampene genoptog og fortsatte gennem natten. Englænderne kom ind i sumpen og skød systematisk Pequot -krigerne ned, hvoraf nogle senere blev fundet druknet i bunden af ​​sumpen. [3] Pequot -krigerne holdt deres placering natten igennem, indtil tågen rullede ind den følgende morgen. [2]

Dag 2 - 14. juli Rediger

De engelske soldater, især kaptajn Patricks styrker, havde den klare fordel med deres brug af "lille skud" under forlovelsen. [5] Det lille skud var i det væsentlige flere musketkugler affyret på et enkelt tidspunkt. [6] Dette var invaliderende for Pequot -styrkerne. I første omgang udnyttede Pequot -krigerne englænderne og deres langsomme fremrykning. Sassacus og hans krigere var i stand til at udnytte et svagt punkt i Patricks omkreds. Pequot forsøgte på dette tidspunkt at bryde den engelske omkreds i offensiven. Denne evne til at bryde igennem den engelske omkreds førte til Sassacus ’flugt til Mohawk -territorierne i New York. [7]

Tabene blandt kolonisterne var få. John Winthrop blev citeret og sagde: "[Pequot], der kom op bag buskene meget tæt på vores mænd. Skød mange pile i deres hatte, ærmer og stokke, men (hvilket var et meget mirakel) blev ikke en af ​​vores såret." [3] Mason's beretning understøttede dette og sagde, at "flere blev fundet dræbt", en henvisning til at de blev såret. [3]

De fleste, hvis ikke alle, Pequot -krigere blev dræbt under forlovelsen. [1] De 180 ikke-stridende Pequot blev taget til fange og spredt blandt englænderne og deres allierede. [8] Mange af de slaver, der blev taget til fange, forblev ikke længe i fangenskab på grund af deres manglende evne til at tilpasse sig deres roller i trældom. Nogle af de fangede blev sendt til slavehandelen til Vestindien. [9] Soldaterne tog Pequot wampum, nogle kedler og andre ting som bytte. [3] I de efterfølgende uger efter slaget opsporede Mohawk -indianerne i New York Sassacus og Pequot -krigerne, der fulgte med ham. Mohawk myrdede Sassacus og sendte hovedet til Hartford som bevis på hans fangst. [10]

Den 21. september 1638 sluttede Hartford -traktaten formelt krigen og eliminerede Pequots politiske og kulturelle identitet. De overlevende fik ikke lov til at bo på stammelande, og enhver geografisk placering med Pequot -navnet blev ændret. Blandt disse var Pequot -floden, omdøbt til Themsen, og Pequot Village, som blev omdøbt til New London. [11]

Roger Ludlow, en af ​​soldaterne i styrkerne, der kæmpede mod Pequot ved sumpkampen, begærede senere Retten for at finde en bosættelse på samme sted og de omkringliggende landområder. Da han blev "charmeret over landskabet" under hans ledelse, blev plantagen Uncos grundlagt i 1639 og senere blev byen Fairfield. [12]

Mashantucket Pequot Museum indgav en ansøgning til National Park Service American Battlefield Protection Program i januar 2007 om at udvikle en faseopdelt plan for forskning, beskyttelse og bevarelse af de steder, der var involveret i Pequot -krigen. Blandt disse steder var Fairfield Swamp -området. Kevin McBride, arkæolog og professor fra forskningscentret ved University of Connecticut, leder programmet. [13]

Forskere fra Mashantucket Pequot Museum og Research Center var i stand til at bestemme undersøgelses- og kerneområder ud fra fortællingsberetninger (dem fra Philip Vincent, John Mason, William Hubbard, Increase Mather og John Winthrop Papers) samt Connecticut Colonial Records, lokale gerninger og andre optegnelser. Ved hjælp af ikke-invasive teknikker, herunder brug af metaldetektorer, kunne forskere markere interessante steder for at bestemme artefakternes oprindelse. [14] Meget af den oprindelige sump og de omkringliggende områder er blevet påvirket væsentligt gennem bolig- og erhvervsudvikling. Byggeriet af Interstate 95 resulterede i fyldning af cirka halvdelen af ​​hele sumpen. Som et resultat af dette menes mange af de arkæologiske artefakter at være tabt. [15]

Blandt målene med bevaringsindsatsen håbede forskerne at finde en præcis placering for Pequot -sumpen og områderne omkring den. Da denne jord blev fundet, håbede de at få tilladelse fra lokale grundejere til at undersøge jorden yderligere. Blandt de første resultater af rapporten var nye oplysninger om Pequot -oprustning. Bevæbningen i Pequot begynder at blive genovervejet, og blandt dem menes at være skydevåben og "Mohawk Hammers." [16]


Pequot -massakrer begynder - HISTORIE

Det er en måneskin før daggry i maj 1637. Engelske puritanere fra Massachusetts Bay Colony og Connecticut Colony, med Mohegan og Narragansett allierede, omgiver en befæstet Pequot landsby på et sted kaldet Missituck (Mystic). I landsbyen sover Pequots. Pludselig gøer en hund. De vækkede Pequots råber Owanux! Owanux! (Englændere! Englændere!) Og monter et tappert forsvar. Men inden for en time bliver landsbyen brændt, og 400-700 mænd, kvinder og børn bliver dræbt.

Kaptajn John Underhill, en af ​​de engelske kommandanter, dokumenterer begivenheden i sin journal, Newes from America:

Mænd, kvinder og børn faldt ned. Dem, der skændte os, faldt i hænderne på indianerne, der var bag os. Ikke over fem af dem blev skåret ud af vores hænder. Vores indianere kom til os og beundrede i høj grad den måde, engelskmændene kæmpede på, men råbte "Mach it, mach it!" - det vil sige, "Det er intet, det er intet, fordi det er for rasende og dræber for mange mænd." Stor og vovet var det blodige syn på synet på unge soldater, der aldrig havde været i krig, at se så mange sjæle ligge gispende på jorden, så tykke, nogle steder, at man næsten ikke kunne komme forbi.

Massakren på Mystic er slut på mindre end en time. Kampen skærer hjertet fra Pequot -folket og spreder dem over det, der nu er det sydlige New England, Long Island og Upstate New York. I løbet af de næste par måneder bliver resterende modstande enten opsporet og dræbt eller gjort til slaver. Navnet "Pequot" er forbudt af englænderne. Den puritanske begrundelse for handlingen er ganske enkelt angivet af kaptajn Underhill:

Det kan være påkrævet, hvorfor skulle du være så rasende? Skulle kristne ikke have mere barmhjertighed og medfølelse? Nogle gange erklærer Bibelen, at kvinder og børn skal omkomme sammen med deres forældre. Nogle gange ændrer sagen sig, men vi vil ikke bestride det nu. Vi havde tilstrækkeligt lys fra Guds ord til vores handlinger.

New England, begyndelsen af ​​det syttende århundrede: Der er stærke kulturelle og religiøse forskelle mellem indianere og europæiske bosættere. I 1619 forårsagede sygdomme båret af europæere en massiv epidemi og dræbte omkring 90% af den indfødte befolkning langs kysten af ​​New England. Epidemien når ikke Pequots eller deres Narragansett og Niantic -naboer. Tidlige hollandske nybyggere opretholder et virtuelt handelsmonopol med indfødte stammer for bæverpelse, der bruges til at lave stilfulde hatte i Europa. Englændernes ankomst til Massachusetts tilbyder et handelsalternativ for de indfødte. Europæerne betragter de indfødte som hedninger og agenter for Satan. De frygter også for at overleve i det, de ser som "den hylende ødemark." Disse opfattelser fremmer yderligere misforståelser og fejlkommunikationer, der vil føre til blodsudgydelse.

En anden epidemi skåner ikke nogen af ​​stammerne. Epidemien, forårsaget af kopper, reducerer Pequot -befolkningen fra omkring 8.000 til omkring 4.000 og påvirker alvorligt andre stammer i regionen. Det katastrofale tab af befolkning forstyrrer alle aspekter af det oprindelige liv, skaber usikkerhed om de indfødtes politik over for europæerne og øger konkurrencen om handel. Disse begivenheder, sammen med stigende indfødte-europæiske handelskonflikter, danner grundlag for uenigheder, der resulterer i vold og blodhævn. Konflikter i og blandt indfødte stammer bidrager til forvirringen. Fjendtlighederne stiger. Fætter og klanbror stilles mod hinanden.

Pequotstyrken er koncentreret langs Pequot (nu Themsen) og Mystic Rivers i det, der nu er sydøstlige Connecticut. I et desperat forsøg fra Pequots på at genvinde deres handelsmonopol tabt til andre stammer, angriber og dræber de nogle Narragansetts, der forsøger at handle på en hollandsk handelspost kaldet House of Hope. Hollænderne gengælder. I et af de skærmbilleder, der følger, kidnapper hollænderne Pequot Grand Sachem Tatobem. På trods af Pequots betaling af en løsesum henrettede hollænderne ham. Med Tatobems død bliver hans søn Sassacus Grand Sachem of the Pequots.

En snurrig englænder og pirat ved navn John Stone sejler op ad Connecticut -floden og kidnapper flere indianere for løsepenge. Stone og hans besætning undlader at holde nøje øje, og uidentificerede indianere går om bord på skibet og dræber alle ni englændere ombord. Englænderne bebrejder Pequots, og i to år kræver de, at Pequots leverer hovederne på dem, der havde dræbt Stone og hans besætning. Pequots modsiger, at hvis morderen af ​​Stone var en Pequot, må Pequot have dræbt ham som gengældelse for det hollandske mord på Tatobem. Pequots hævder også, at de ikke ville kende forskellen mellem en hollænder og en englænder. Mysteriet om, hvem der dræbte Stone, løses aldrig fuldstændigt.

Pequots inviterer englænderne til at bosætte sig i Connecticut som et tegn på venskab og forstyrrer ikke nye bosættelser. I 1633 begyndte de engelske puritanske bosættelser ved Plimoth og Massachusetts Bay Colonies at udvide sig til den rige Connecticut River Valley for at rumme den konstante strøm af nye immigranter fra England.

Pequot Uncas har planer, der kolliderer med Grand Sachem Sassacus 'strategi i håndteringen af ​​europæerne. Han er bekymret over, at den eneste måde for hans folk at overleve uundgåelig vold med europæerne (og for at forhindre at blive opslugt af dem) er at forsøge at skabe en fredelig alliance med dem. Han bryder klanbånd med Pequots. Forudsat det gamle Wolf Clan -navn Mohegan, danner han sin egen stamme og vælger at tilpasse sig englænderne. Uncas og hans tilhængere bosætter sig i Shantok.

En anden død forvandler situationen. Medlemmer af en Narragansett -biflodstamme dræber kaptajn John Oldham. Kort tid efter sejler en straffekspedition fra Boston under kommando af John Endicott for at straffe Block Islanders og kræve drabene på John Stone fra Pequots i Connecticut. Kaptajn Endicott mener, at han arbejder mod Guds vilje mod de vilde. Efter en kort indisk modstand på Block Island forsvinder indianerne. Endicott bruger to dage på at brænde deres tomme landsbyer, skyde løse hunde og ødelægge indiske fødevarer. Ved at sejle videre til Pequot -territoriet mødes Endicott med Pequot -udsendinge. Han mistro dem og mener, at de udsætter sig. Samtalerne bryder sammen, og volden bryder ud. Kolonisttropperne fortsætter med voldsom ødelæggelse og plyndring.

Pequots er rasende. De retter deres vrede mod de nærmeste englændere og belejrer Fort Saybrook det følgende efterår og vinter og angriber Wethersfield -bosættelsen. Som svar erklærer englænderne krig mod Pequots.

I de sidste timer med måneskin, den 26. maj 1637, omgiver engelske puritanere med Mohegan og Narragansett allierede den befæstede landsby Pequot ved Missituck (Mystic). Inden for en time bliver 400-700 mænd, kvinder og børn sat i sværd eller brændt ihjel, da den engelske fakkel landsbyen. Ukendt med krig rettet mod civile, for første gang oplever indfødte stammer de totalt ødelæggende virkninger af krigsførelse, der udøves af europæere. Den mystiske massakre vendte tidevandet mod Pequots og brød stammens modstand. Mange Pequots i andre landsbyer undslipper og gemmer sig blandt andre stammer.

Englænderne, støttet af Uncas 'Mohegans, forfølger Sassacus og de tilbagetrækende Pequots ned ad New England -kysten, indtil de fleste enten bliver dræbt eller taget til fange og givet til stammer, der er venlige for englænderne. Nogle bliver taget af englænderne som husholdere, og nogle få bliver solgt til slaveri. Sassacus og et par af hans tilhængere flygter, men henrettes i sidste ende af Mohawks som et tegn på deres venskab mod englænderne.

Hartford -traktaten dikterer betingelserne for den engelske sejr. Kolonisterne forbyder navnet Pequot, forbyder Pequots at omgruppere sig som en stamme og kræver, at andre stammer i regionen forelægger alle deres inter-stammeklager for englænderne og overholder deres beslutninger. Efterhånden ved hjælp af sympatiske engelske ledere er Pequots i stand til at genetablere deres identitet, men som separate stammer i separate samfund: Mashantucket (Western) Pequots og Paucatuck (Eastern) Pequots, de første indiske reservater i Amerika.

Kontakten med europæiske nybyggere og den deraf følgende Pequot -krig havde en dyb og udslettelig effekt på indfødt kultur i Nordøstamerika. På mindre end en generation forsvandt den verden, som de fleste overlevende indianere var født til, og som de var blevet forberedt på, for evigt.

Selvom det var en lille konflikt efter nutidens standarder, gjorde puritanernes religiøse retorik deres sejr over "hedningerne" i Pequot -krigen til en væsentlig faktor i formuleringen af ​​kolonial/amerikansk indisk politik i løbet af de næste tre århundreder. De underliggende årsager til krigen er komplekse, og dens konsekvenser er vidtgående. For første gang oplevede nordøstlige stammer den samlede krigsførelse af europæiske militære metoder. For første gang indså de engelske puritanere, at de havde magten til at dominere de mennesker, de så som gudløse vilde.

Selvom Pequot-krigen var en mindre konflikt af kort varighed, kastede den en lang skygge. Billederne af brutale og upålidelige vilde, der planlagde udryddelse af dem, der ville udføre Guds arbejde i ørkenen, blev en vital del af mytologien om den amerikanske grænse. Fejring af sejren over indianerne som lysets triumf over mørket, civilisation over vildskab, i mange generationer finder vores centrale historiske myte sit tidligste fulde udtryk i nutidens krøniker om denne lille krig. (Alfred Cave, Pequot -krigen)

Historien om Pequot -krigen er en amerikansk historie, et centralt element i vores kolonihistorie. Som bemærket skrev historiker Alden T. Vaughan i sin bog New England Frontier: Puritans and Indians 1620-1675:

Virkningen af ​​Pequot -krigen var dyb. Over natten havde magtbalancen flyttet sig fra de folkerige, men uorganiserede indfødte til de engelske kolonier. Fremover [indtil kong Philip's War] var der ingen kombination af indianerstammer, der alvorligt kunne true englænderne. Ødelæggelsen af ​​Pequots fjernede den eneste store hindring for puritansk ekspansion. Og grundigheden af ​​denne ødelæggelse gjorde et dybt indtryk på de andre stammer.

Historien om krigen er også en menneskelig historie, en vigtig del af amerikansk kulturhistorie. Gennem denne historie belyses et større emne: sammenstødet mellem kulturelle værdier, der i sidste ende førte til dominans af alle indianerstammer fra europæiske bosættere. På et mere personligt plan er historien især vigtig for efterkommerne af indianerne og kolonisterne, der kæmpede krigen, såvel som for alle indfødte i hele Amerika. For mange indianere lyder det som et tema, der ikke er unikt for New England fra det syttende århundrede: dominans gennem underkastelse af oprindelige folk. Det dukkede senere op som konceptet kendt som Manifest Destiny, og det ekko igen og igen i Nordamerika i de næste 250 år. Mange indianere mener, at det stadig ekko i dag.

1. Manitou og Providence: indianere, europæere og fremstilling af New England, 1500-1643 af Neal Salisbury. Copyright & kopi 1982 af Oxford University Press, Inc. Anvendes med tilladelse fra udgiveren.

2. Pequot -krigen af ​​Alfred A. Cave (Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1996). Copyright & kopi 1996 af The University of Massachusetts Press. Bruges med tilladelse fra udgiveren.

3. New England Frontier: puritanere og indianere, 1620-1675 af Alden T. Vaughan. Copyright & kopi 1965, 1979, 1995 af Alden T. Vaughan. Udgivet af University of Oklahoma Press. Anvendes med tilladelse fra forfatteren og forlaget.


1637 Pequot -massakren: Den virkelige historie om den årlige amerikanske Thanksgiving

De fleste af os forbinder ferien med glade pilgrimme og indianere, der sætter sig til en stor fest. Og det skete en gang.

Historien begyndte i 1614, da en gruppe engelske opdagelsesrejsende sejlede hjem til England med et skib fuld af Patuxet -indianere på vej til slaveri. De efterlod kopper, som næsten udslettede dem, der var undsluppet. Da pilgrimerne ankom til Massachusetts Bay, fandt de kun en levende Patuxet indianer, en mand ved navn Squanto, der havde overlevet slaveri i England og kendte deres sprog. Han lærte dem at dyrke majs og at fiske og forhandlede en fredsaftale mellem pilgrimme og Wampanoag -nationen. I slutningen af ​​deres første år holdt pilgrimerne en stor fest for at ære Squanto og Wampanoags.

Men da budskabet spredte sig i England om det paradis, der findes i den nye verden, begyndte religiøse ildsjæle kaldet puritanere at ankomme med bådlasten. Da de ikke fandt hegn rundt om landet, mente de, at det var i offentligheden. Sammen med andre britiske nybyggere beslaglagde de jord, fangede stærke unge indfødte til slaver og dræbte resten. Men Pequot -nationen havde ikke accepteret den fredsaftale, Squanto havde forhandlet, og de kæmpede tilbage. Pequot -krigen var en af ​​de blodigste indiske krige, der nogensinde er udkæmpet.

I 1637 nær nutiden Groton, Connecticut, havde over 700 mænd, kvinder og børn fra Pequot -stammen samlet sig til deres årlige Green Corn Festival, som er vores Thanksgiving -fest. I de foregående timer var de sovende indianere omgivet af engelske og hollandske lejesoldater, der beordrede dem til at komme udenfor. Dem, der kom ud, blev skudt eller slået ihjel, mens de rædselsslagne kvinder og børn, der klemte inde i langhuset, blev brændt levende. Næste dag erklærede guvernøren for Massachusetts Bay Colony “A Thanksgiving Day ”, fordi 700 ubevæbnede mænd, kvinder og børn var blevet myrdet.

De modige kolonister og deres indiske allierede angreb landsby efter landsby, jublet af deres “victory ”. Kvinder og børn over 14 år blev solgt til slaveri, mens resten blev myrdet. Både fyldt med 500 slaver forlod regelmæssigt havnene i New England. Der blev betalt beløb for indiske hovedbund for at tilskynde til så mange dødsfald som muligt.

Efter et særligt vellykket raid mod Pequot i det, der nu er Stamford, Connecticut, annoncerede kirkerne en anden dag i “thanksgiving ” for at fejre sejren over de hedenske vildmænd. Under festen blev de hackede hoveder af indfødte sparket gennem gaderne som fodbold. Selv den venlige Wampanoag undslap ikke galskaben. Deres chef blev halshugget, og hans hoved blev pælket på en stang i Plymouth, Massachusetts, hvor den forblev udstillet i 24 år.

Drabene blev mere og mere vanvittige, hvor der blev holdt dage med taksigelse efter hver vellykket massakre. George Washington foreslog endelig, at der kun blev afsat en Thanksgiving -dag om året i stedet for at fejre hver eneste massakre. Senere erklærede Abraham Lincoln Thanksgiving Day for at være en lovlig national helligdag under borgerkrigen — samme dag, hvor han beordrede tropper til at marchere mod den sultende Sioux i Minnesota.

Denne historie har ikke helt de samme fuzzy følelser forbundet med den som den, hvor indianerne og pilgrimme alle sidder sammen ved den store fest. Men vi har brug for at lære vores sande historie, så den aldrig vil blive gentaget. Næste Thanksgiving, når du samles med dine nærmeste for at takke Gud for alle dine velsignelser, tænk på de mennesker, der kun ville leve deres liv og stifte deres familier. De tog sig også tid til at sige “ tak til Skaberen for alle deres velsignelser.

Vores tak til Hill & amp Holler Column af Susan Bates [email protected]

Mere om Thanksgiving …
INTRODUKTION FOR LÆRERE

Dette er en særlig vanskelig introduktion til at skrive. Jeg har været lærer på folkeskoler i tolv år, og jeg er også historiker og har skrevet flere bøger om amerikansk og indiansk historie. Jeg er også tilfældigvis også Quebeque French, Metis, Ojibwa og Iroquois. Fordi mine indiske forfædre var på begge sider af kampen mellem puritanerne og New England -indianerne, og jeg er velbevandret i min kulturarv og historie både som Anishnabeg (Algokin) og Hodenosione (Iroquois), føltes det, at jeg kunne bringe en unik indsigt i projektet.

For en indianer, der også er skolelærer, var Thanksgiving aldrig en let ferie for mig at håndtere i klassen. Jeg har nogle gange følt, at jeg lærte for meget om “ pilgrimme og indianerne. ” Hvert år har jeg været konfronteret med det faglige og moralske dilemma om, hvordan jeg skal være ærlig og informativ med mine børn ved Thanksgiving uden at videregive historisk forvrængninger og racemæssige og kulturelle stereotyper.

Problemet er, at en del af det, du og jeg lærte i vores egen barndom om “Pilgrims ” og “Squanto ” og “First Thanksgiving ” er en blanding af både historie og myte. Men Thanksgiving TEMA har sandhed og integritet langt ud over, hvad vi og vores forfædre har gjort af det. Thanksgiving er et større koncept end bare historien om grundlæggelsen af ​​Plymouth Plantation.

Så hvad lærer vi vores børn? Vi videregiver normalt uden tvivl, hvad vi alle modtog i vores egne barndomsundervisningslokaler. Jeg har lært både sandhederne og myterne om vores “First Thanksgiving at kende, og jeg føler, at vi skal forsøge at nå ud over myterne til en vis grad af historisk sandhed. Denne tekst er et forsøg på at gøre dette.

På dette tidspunkt spørger du sikkert, “Hvad er det store ved Thanksgiving and the Pilgrims? ” “Hvad mener denne fyr med en blanding af sandheder og myter? om. Jeg foreslår, at der kan være en hel del, som mange af os ikke kender til vores Thanksgiving -ferie og også om “First Thanksgiving ” -historien. Jeg foreslår også, at det, de fleste af os har lært om pilgrimme og indianerne, der var ved den første Thanksgiving ved Plymouth Plantation, kun er en del af sandheden. Når du bygger en lektion på kun halvdelen af ​​oplysningerne, så lærer du ikke hele sandheden. Derfor brugte jeg ordet myte. Så hvor begynder du at finde ud af mere om ferien og vores moderne historier om, hvordan den begyndte?

Et godt sted at starte er med en meget vigtig bog, “ The Invasion of America, ” af Francis Jennings. Det er en meget autoritativ tekst om afviklingen af ​​New England og udviklingen af ​​indisk/hvide forhold i New England -kolonierne. Jeg anbefaler også at slå enhver god tekst om britisk historie op. Tjek den britiske borgerkrig i 1621-1642, Oliver Cromwell og det puritanske oprør i 1653, der sluttede parlamentariske regering i England indtil 1660. Historien om den puritanske oplevelse i New England burde virkelig ikke adskilles fra historien om den puritanske oplevelse i England. Du bør også indse, at “Pilgrims ” var en undersekt eller splintgruppe af den puritanske bevægelse. De kom til Amerika for at opnå på dette kontinent, hvad deres puritanske broder fortsatte med at stræbe efter i England, og da puritanerne blev tvunget fra England, kom de til New England og absorberede snart de originale “Pilgrims. ”

Som redaktør har jeg læst alle de tekster, der er anført i vores litteraturliste, og mange flere, ved at forberede dette materiale til dig. Jeg vil have dig til at læse nogle af disse bøger. Så lad mig bruge min redaktionelle licens til bevidst at provokere dig lidt. Når man sammenligner de begivenheder, puritanerne ansporede til i England, med beretninger om puritanske/pilgrimsaktiviteter i New England i samme æra, tyder flere provokerende ting på sig selv:

1. Puritanerne var ikke bare simple religiøse konservative forfulgt af kongen og Englands kirke for deres uortodokse overbevisning. De var politiske revolutionære, der ikke kun havde til hensigt at vælte Englands regering, men som faktisk gjorde det i 1649.

2. Puritaner “Pilgrims ”, der kom til New England, var ikke bare flygtninge, der besluttede at “ lægge deres skæbne i Guds hænder ” i “befri vildmark ” i Nordamerika, som en generation af Hollywood film lærte os. I enhver kultur til enhver tid er nybyggere på en grænse oftest udstødte og flygtninge, der på en eller anden måde ikke passer ind i hovedstrømmen i deres samfund. Dette er ikke for at betyde, at mennesker, der bosætter sig på grænser, ikke har forløsende kvaliteter som tapperhed osv., Men at de adelsbilleder, vi forbinder med puritanerne, i det mindste delvist er de gode “P.R. ” indsats fra senere forfattere, der har romantiseret dem. (1) Det er også meget sandsynligt, at dette unaturligt ædle billede af puritanerne alle er pakket ind i mytologien om “Noble Civilization ” vs. “Savagery. ” (2 ) Under alle omstændigheder betragtede almindelige englændere pilgrimme som bevidste religiøse frafald, der havde til hensigt at grundlægge en ny nation fuldstændig uafhængig af det ikke-puritanske England. I 1643 erklærede puritaner/pilgrimme sig selv som et uafhængigt konføderation, hundrede treogfyrre år før den amerikanske revolution. De troede på den forestående forekomst af Harmegeddon i Europa og håbede her i den nye verden at etablere det “ Guds rige ” forudsagt i Åbenbaringens bog. De adskilte sig fra deres puritanske brødre, der kun blev i England, idet de kun havde et lille reelt håb om nogensinde med succes at kunne vælte kongen og parlamentet og derved pålægge resten deres helligdom “ Regel for hellige ” (streng puritansk ortodoksi) af det britiske folk. So they came to America not just in one ship (the Mayflower) but in a hundred others as well, with every intention of taking the land away from its native people to build their prophesied “Holy Kingdom.”(3)

3. The Pilgrims were not just innocent refugees from religious persecution. They were victims of bigotry in England, but some of them were themselves religious bigots by our modern standards. The Puritans and the Pilgrims saw themselves as the “Chosen Elect” mentioned in the book of Revelation. They strove to “purify” first themselves and then everyone else of everything they did not accept in their own interpretation of scripture. Later New England Puritans used any means, including deceptions, treachery, torture, war, and genocide to achieve that end.(4) They saw themselves as fighting a holy war against Satan, and everyone who disagreed with them was the enemy. This rigid fundamentalism was transmitted to America by the Plymouth colonists, and it sheds a very different light on the “Pilgrim” image we have of them. This is best illustrated in the written text of the Thanksgiving sermon delivered at Plymouth in 1623 by “Mather the Elder.” In it, Mather the Elder gave special thanks to God for the devastating plague of smallpox which wiped out the majority of the Wampanoag Indians who had been their benefactors. He praised God for destroying “chiefly young men and children, the very seeds of increase, thus clearing the forests to make way for a better growth”, i.e., the Pilgrims.(5) In as much as these Indians were the Pilgrim’s benefactors, and Squanto, in particular, was the instrument of their salvation that first year, how are we to interpret this apparent callousness towards their misfortune?

4. The Wampanoag Indians were not the “friendly savages” some of us were told about when we were in the primary grades. Nor were they invited out of the goodness of the Pilgrims’ hearts to share the fruits of the Pilgrims’ harvest in a demonstration of Christian charity and interracial brotherhood. The Wampanoag were members of a widespread confederacy of Algonkian-speaking peoples known as the League of the Delaware. For six hundred years they had been defending themselves from my other ancestors, the Iroquois, and for the last hundred years they had also had encounters with European fishermen and explorers but especially with European slavers, who had been raiding their coastal villages.(6) They knew something of the power of the white people, and they did not fully trust them. But their religion taught that they were to give charity to the helpless and hospitality to anyone who came to them with empty hands.(7) Also, Squanto, the Indian hero of the Thanksgiving story, had a very real love for a British explorer named John Weymouth, who had become a second father to him several years before the Pilgrims arrived at Plymouth. Clearly, Squanto saw these Pilgrims as Weymouth’s people.(8) To the Pilgrims the Indians were heathens and, therefore, the natural instruments of the Devil. Squanto, as the only educated and baptized Christian among the Wampanoag, was seen as merely an instrument of God, set in the wilderness to provide for the survival of His chosen people, the Pilgrims. The Indians were comparatively powerful and, therefore, dangerous and they were to be courted until the next ships arrived with more Pilgrim colonists and the balance of power shifted. The Wampanoag were actually invited to that Thanksgiving feast for the purpose of negotiating a treaty that would secure the lands of the Plymouth Plantation for the Pilgrims. It should also be noted that the INDIANS, possibly out of a sense of charity toward their hosts, ended up bringing the majority of the food for the feast.(9)

5. A generation later, after the balance of power had indeed shifted, the Indian and White children of that Thanksgiving were striving to kill each other in the genocidal conflict known as King Philip’s War. At the end of that conflict most of the New England Indians were either exterminated or refugees among the French in Canada, or they were sold into slavery in the Carolinas by the Puritans. So successful was this early trade in Indian slaves that several Puritan ship owners in Boston began the practice of raiding the Ivory Coast of Africa for black slaves to sell to the proprietary colonies of the South, thus founding the American-based slave trade.(10)

Obviously there is a lot more to the story of Indian/Puritan relations in New England than in the thanksgiving stories we heard as children. Our contemporary mix of myth and history about the “First” Thanksgiving at Plymouth developed in the 1890s and early 1900s. Our country was desperately trying to pull together its many diverse peoples into a common national identity. To many writers and educators at the end of the last century and the beginning of this one, this also meant having a common national history. This was the era of the “melting pot” theory of social progress, and public education was a major tool for social unity. It was with this in mind that the federal government declared the last Thursday in November as the legal holiday of Thanksgiving in 1898.

In consequence, what started as an inspirational bit of New England folklore, soon grew into the full-fledged American Thanksgiving we now know. It emerged complete with stereotyped Indians and stereotyped Whites, incomplete history, and a mythical significance as our “First Thanksgiving.” But was it really our FIRST American Thanksgiving?

Now that I have deliberately provoked you with some new information and different opinions, please take the time to read some of the texts in our bibliography. I want to encourage you to read further and form your own opinions. There really is a TRUE Thanksgiving story of Plymouth Plantation. But I strongly suggest that there always has been a Thanksgiving story of some kind or other for as long as there have been human beings. There was also a “First” Thanksgiving in America, but it was celebrated thirty thousand years ago.(11) At some time during the New Stone Age (beginning about ten thousand years ago) Thanksgiving became associated with giving thanks to God for the harvests of the land. Thanksgiving has always been a time of people coming together, so thanks has also been offered for that gift of fellowship between us all. Every last Thursday in November we now partake in one of the OLDEST and most UNIVERSAL of human celebrations, and THERE ARE MANY THANKSGIVING STORIES TO TELL.

As for Thanksgiving week at Plymouth Plantation in 1621, the friendship was guarded and not always sincere, and the peace was very soon abused. But for three days in New England’s history, peace and friendship were there.

So here is a story for your children. It is as kind and gentle a balance of historic truth and positive inspiration as its writers and this editor can make it out to be. I hope it will adequately serve its purpose both for you and your students, and I also hope this work will encourage you to look both deeper and farther, for Thanksgiving is Thanksgiving all around the world.

Chuck Larsen Tacoma Public Schools September, 1986

FOOTNOTES FOR TEACHER INTRODUCTION

(1) See Berkhofer, Jr., R.F., “The White Man’s Indian,” references to Puritans, pp. 27, 80-85, 90, 104, & 130.

(2) See Berkhofer, Jr., R.F., “The White Man’s Indian,” references to frontier concepts of savagery in index. Also see Jennings, Francis, “The Invasion of America,” the myth of savagery, pp. 6-12, 15-16, & 109-110.

(3) See Blitzer, Charles, “Age of Kings,” Great Ages of Man series, references to Puritanism, pp. 141, 144 & 145-46. Also see Jennings, Francis, “The Invasion of America,” references to Puritan human motives, pp. 4-6, 43- 44 and 53.

(4) See “Chronicles of American Indian Protest,” pp. 6-10. Also see Armstrong, Virginia I., “I Have Spoken,” reference to Cannonchet and his village, p. 6. Also see Jennings, Francis, “The Invasion of America,” Chapter 9 “Savage War,” Chapter 13 “We must Burn Them,” and Chapter 17 “Outrage Bloody and Barbarous.”

(5) See “Chronicles of American Indian Protest,” pp. 6-9. Also see Berkhofer, Jr., R.F., “The White Man’s Indian,” the comments of Cotton Mather, pp. 37 & 82-83.

(6) See Larsen, Charles M., “The Real Thanksgiving,” pp. 3-4. Also see Graff, Steward and Polly Ann, “Squanto, Indian Adventurer.” Also see “Handbook of North American Indians,” Vol. 15, the reference to Squanto on p. 82.

(7) See Benton-Banai, Edward, “The Mishomis Book,” as a reference on general “Anishinabe” (the Algonkin speaking peoples) religious beliefs and practices. Also see Larsen, Charles M., “The Real Thanksgiving,” reference to religious life on p. 1.

(8) See Graff, Stewart and Polly Ann, “Squanto, Indian Adventurer.” Also see Larsen, Charles M., “The Real Thanksgiving.” Also see Bradford, Sir William, “Of Plymouth Plantation,” and “Mourt’s Relation.”

(9) See Larsen, Charles M., “The Real Thanksgiving,” the letter of Edward Winslow dated 1622, pp. 5-6.

(10) See “Handbook of North American Indians,” Vol. 15, pp. 177-78. Also see “Chronicles of American Indian Protest,” p. 9, the reference to the enslavement of King Philip’s family. Also see Larsen, Charles, M., “The Real Thanksgiving,” pp. 8-11, “Destruction of the Massachusetts Indians.”

(11) Best current estimate of the first entry of people into the Americas confirmed by archaeological evidence that is datable.

THE PLYMOUTH THANKSGIVING STORY

When the Pilgrims crossed the Atlantic Ocean in 1620, they landed on the rocky shores of a territory that was inhabited by the Wampanoag (Wam pa NO ag) Indians. The Wampanoags were part of the Algonkian-speaking peoples, a large group that was part of the Woodland Culture area. These Indians lived in villages along the coast of what is now Massachusetts and Rhode Island. They lived in round- roofed houses called wigwams. These were made of poles covered with flat sheets of elm or birch bark. Wigwams differ in construction from tipis that were used by Indians of the Great Plains.

The Wampanoags moved several times during each year in order to get food. In the spring they would fish in the rivers for salmon and herring. In the planting season they moved to the forest to hunt deer and other animals. After the end of the hunting season people moved inland where there was greater protection from the weather. From December to April they lived on food that they stored during the earlier months.

The basic dress for men was the breech clout, a length of deerskin looped over a belt in back and in front. Women wore deerskin wrap-around skirts. Deerskin leggings and fur capes made from deer, beaver, otter, and bear skins gave protection during the colder seasons, and deerskin moccasins were worn on the feet. Both men and women usually braided their hair and a single feather was often worn in the back of the hair by men. They did not have the large feathered headdresses worn by people in the Plains Culture area.

There were two language groups of Indians in New England at this time. The Iroquois were neighbors to the Algonkian-speaking people. Leaders of the Algonquin and Iroquois people were called “sachems” (SAY chems). Each village had its own sachem and tribal council. Political power flowed upward from the people. Any individual, man or woman, could participate, but among the Algonquins more political power was held by men. Among the Iroquois, however, women held the deciding vote in the final selection of who would represent the group. Both men and women enforced the laws of the village and helped solve problems. The details of their democratic system were so impressive that about 150 years later Benjamin Franklin invited the Iroquois to Albany, New York, to explain their system to a delegation who then developed the “Albany Plan of Union.” This document later served as a model for the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution of the United States.

These Indians of the Eastern Woodlands called the turtle, the deer and the fish their brothers. They respected the forest and everything in it as equals. Whenever a hunter made a kill, he was careful to leave behind some bones or meat as a spiritual offering, to help other animals survive. Not to do so would be considered greedy. The Wampanoags also treated each other with respect. Any visitor to a Wampanoag home was provided with a share of whatever food the family had, even if the supply was low. This same courtesy was extended to the Pilgrims when they met.

We can only guess what the Wampanoags must have thought when they first saw the strange ships of the Pilgrims arriving on their shores. But their custom was to help visitors, and they treated the newcomers with courtesy. It was mainly because of their kindness that the Pilgrims survived at all. The wheat the Pilgrims had brought with them to plant would not grow in the rocky soil. They needed to learn new ways for a new world, and the man who came to help them was called “Tisquantum” (Tis SKWAN tum) or “Squanto” (SKWAN toe).

Squanto was originally from the village of Patuxet (Pa TUK et) and a member of the Pokanokit Wampanoag nation. Patuxet once stood on the exact site where the Pilgrims built Plymouth. In 1605, fifteen years before the Pilgrims came, Squanto went to England with a friendly English explorer named John Weymouth. He had many adventures and learned to speak English. Squanto came back to New England with Captain Weymouth. Later Squanto was captured by a British slaver who raided the village and sold Squanto to the Spanish in the Caribbean Islands. A Spanish Franciscan priest befriended Squanto and helped him to get to Spain and later on a ship to England. Squanto then found Captain Weymouth, who paid his way back to his homeland. In England Squanto met Samoset of the Wabanake (Wab NAH key) Tribe, who had also left his native home with an English explorer. They both returned together to Patuxet in 1620. When they arrived, the village was deserted and there were skeletons everywhere. Everyone in the village had died from an illness the English slavers had left behind. Squanto and Samoset went to stay with a neighboring village of Wampanoags.

One year later, in the spring, Squanto and Samoset were hunting along the beach near Patuxet. They were startled to see people from England in their deserted village. For several days, they stayed nearby observing the newcomers. Finally they decided to approach them. Samoset walked into the village and said “welcome,” Squanto soon joined him. The Pilgrims were very surprised to meet two Indians who spoke English.

The Pilgrims were not in good condition. They were living in dirt-covered shelters, there was a shortage of food, and nearly half of them had died during the winter. They obviously needed help and the two men were a welcome sight. Squanto, who probably knew more English than any other Indian in North America at that time, decided to stay with the Pilgrims for the next few months and teach them how to survive in this new place. He brought them deer meat and beaver skins. He taught them how to cultivate corn and other new vegetables and how to build Indian-style houses. He pointed out poisonous plants and showed how other plants could be used as medicine. He explained how to dig and cook clams, how to get sap from the maple trees, use fish for fertilizer, and dozens of other skills needed for their survival.

By the time fall arrived things were going much better for the Pilgrims, thanks to the help they had received. The corn they planted had grown well. There was enough food to last the winter. They were living comfortably in their Indian-style wigwams and had also managed to build one European-style building out of squared logs. This was their church. They were now in better health, and they knew more about surviving in this new land. The Pilgrims decided to have a thanksgiving feast to celebrate their good fortune. They had observed thanksgiving feasts in November as religious obligations in England for many years before coming to the New World.

The Algonkian tribes held six thanksgiving festivals during the year. The beginning of the Algonkian year was marked by the Maple Dance which gave thanks to the Creator for the maple tree and its syrup. This ceremony occurred when the weather was warm enough for the sap to run in the maple trees, sometimes as early as February. Second was the planting feast, where the seeds were blessed. The strawberry festival was next, celebrating the first fruits of the season. Summer brought the green corn festival to give thanks for the ripening corn. In late fall, the harvest festival gave thanks for the food they had grown. Mid-winter was the last ceremony of the old year. When the Indians sat down to the “first Thanksgiving” with the Pilgrims, it was really the fifth thanksgiving of the year for them!

Captain Miles Standish, the leader of the Pilgrims, invited Squanto, Samoset, Massasoit (the leader of the Wampanoags), and their immediate families to join them for a celebration, but they had no idea how big Indian families could be. As the Thanksgiving feast began, the Pilgrims were overwhelmed at the large turnout of ninety relatives that Squanto and Samoset brought with them. The Pilgrims were not prepared to feed a gathering of people that large for three days. Seeing this, Massasoit gave orders to his men within the first hour of his arrival to go home and get more food. Thus it happened that the Indians supplied the majority of the food: Five deer, many wild turkeys, fish, beans, squash, corn soup, corn bread, and berries. Captain Standish sat at one end of a long table and the Clan Chief Massasoit sat at the other end. For the first time the Wampanoag people were sitting at a table to eat instead of on mats or furs spread on the ground. The Indian women sat together with the Indian men to eat. The Pilgrim women, however, stood quietly behind the table and waited until after their men had eaten, since that was their custom.

For three days the Wampanoags feasted with the Pilgrims. It was a special time of friendship between two very different groups of people. A peace and friendship agreement was made between Massasoit and Miles Standish giving the Pilgrims the clearing in the forest where the old Patuxet village once stood to build their new town of Plymouth.

It would be very good to say that this friendship lasted a long time but, unfortunately, that was not to be. More English people came to America, and they were not in need of help from the Indians as were the original Pilgrims. Many of the newcomers forgot the help the Indians had given them. Mistrust started to grow and the friendship weakened. The Pilgrims started telling their Indian neighbors that their Indian religion and Indian customs were wrong. The Pilgrims displayed an intolerance toward the Indian religion similar to the intolerance displayed toward the less popular religions in Europe. The relationship deteriorated and within a few years the children of the people who ate together at the first Thanksgiving were killing one another in what came to be called King Phillip’s War.

It is sad to think that this happened, but it is important to understand all of the story and not just the happy part. Today the town of Plymouth Rock has a Thanksgiving ceremony each year in remembrance of the first Thanksgiving. There are still Wampanoag people living in Massachusetts. In 1970, they asked one of them to speak at the ceremony to mark the 350th anniversary of the Pilgrim’s arrival.

Here is part of what was said: Frank James speech was written but was suppressed and he did not speak at the ceremony.

“Today is a time of celebrating for you — a time of looking back to the first days of white people in America. But it is not a time of celebrating for me. It is with a heavy heart that I look back upon what happened to my People. When the Pilgrims arrived, we, the Wampanoags, welcomed them with open arms, little knowing that it was the beginning of the end. That before 50 years were to pass, the Wampanoag would no longer be a tribe. That we and other Indians living near the settlers would be killed by their guns or dead from diseases that we caught from them. Let us always remember, the Indian is and was just as human as the white people.

Although our way of life is almost gone, we, the Wampanoags, still walk the lands of Massachusetts. What has happened cannot be changed. But today we work toward a better America, a more Indian America where people and nature once again are important.”


[email protected] of Nebraska - Lincoln

John Mason’s posthumously published account is the most complete contemporary history of the Pequot War of 1636–1637. Written around 1670, and published in part in 1677 (although misattributed by Increase Mather to John Allyn), the complete text was issued by Thomas Prince in 1736. That text is reproduced here in a corrected and annotated edition that includes Prince’s biographical sketch of Mason and various dedicatory and explanatory documents.

John Mason (c.1600–1672) commanded the Connecticut forces in the expedition that wiped out the Pequot fort and village at Mystic and in two subsequent operations that effectively eliminated the Pequots as a recognizable nation. He was among the original settlers of Windsor, Connecticut, and afterwards resided at Saybrook and Norwich. Little is known of his antecedents, except that he had served in the wars in the Netherlands before emigrating to Massachusetts.

This online electronic text edition includes the entire 12,000-word Kort historie and runs to 49 pages, including notes and bibliography it can be printed out on 25 sheets of letter-sized paper.


Pequot massacres begin - HISTORY

Pequot bowl, trade item, 17th century. Wood burl with wampum inlay - Mashantucket Pequot Museum & Research Center

The outbreak of the Pequot War (1636-37) is best understood through an examination of the cultural, political, and economic changes that occurred after the arrival of the Dutch in 1611 and the English in the early 1630s.

Traditionally and historically Pequot territory before the time of the war consisted of approximately 250 square miles in southeastern Connecticut. Today, this area includes the towns of Groton, Ledyard, Stonington, and North Stonington, as well as southern portions of Preston and Griswold. The Thames and Pawcatuck Rivers formed the western and eastern boundaries, Long Island Sound the southern boundary, and Preston and Griswold the northern boundary. Some historic sources suggest that Pequot territory extended 4 to 5 miles east of the Pawcatuck River to an area called Weekapaug in Charlestown, Rhode Island. During the early 17th century approximately 8,000 Pequot men, women, and children lived within this territory. Following the smallpox epidemics of 1633 and 󈧦, their number fell to an estimated 4,000. Communities of 50 to 400 people resided in 15 to 20 villages located along Long Island Sound and the estuaries of the Thames, Mystic, and Pawcatuck Rivers.

Tensions Rise as Different Parties Seek Control of Trade

During the 1620s the Dutch and Pequot controlled all trade in the region as the Pequot attempted to subjugate other tribes throughout Connecticut and the islands offshore. By 1635, the Pequot extended their political and economic ties through a tributary confederacy using coercion, warfare, diplomacy, and intermarriage. This created a potentially volatile situation.

Detail from Nova Belgica et Anglia Nova by Willem Janszoon Blaeu, ca. 1635. Based on the 1614 explorations of Adrian Block – Boston Public Library, Norman B. Leventhal Map Center

With the arrival of English traders and settlers in the Connecticut River Valley in the early 1630s, the balance shifted, resulting in conflict and intense competition for power as tribes wrested themselves from Pequot subjugation. This struggle to gain—or maintain—control fueled the outbreak of war. The English tried to break the Dutch-Pequot control of trade, while the Pequot attempted to maintain their political and economic dominance in the region. The murders of English traders are often cited as the cause for the Pequot War however, these deaths were the culmination of decades of tension between Native tribes further stressed by the arrival of the Dutch and English.

Trader and privateer John Stone and his crew were killed by the Pequot in the summer of 1634 on the Connecticut River. Although the Pequot provided several explanations for Stone’s death, all of which suggested they viewed their actions as justified, the English decided they could not afford to let any English deaths at the hands of Natives go unpunished. As tensions grew among all parties, the murder of trader John Oldham in July 1636 by the Manisses of Block Island resulted in a military response by the English of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. This action, led by Captain John Endicott, sparked a cycle of escalating retaliation—and signaled the start of what is now known as the Pequot War, a Euro-centric interpretation of a conflict that was as much Native vs. Native as it was English vs. Native.

Contributed by staff for the Mashantucket Pequot Museum & Research Center’s Battlefields of the Pequot War projekt.


As summarized on the website of The Society of Colonial Wars in the State of Connecticut:

In 1633 the English Puritan settlements at Plimoth [sic] and Massachusetts Bay Colonies had begun expanding into the rich Connecticut River Valley to accommodate the steady stream of new emigrants from England. Other than the hardship of the journey and the difficulty of building homes in what the Puritans consider a wilderness, only one major obstacle threatened the security of the expanding settlements: the Pequots.”

Tribal territories of Southern New England tribes about 1600

The Pequot tribe had already been weakened by smallpox brought by the English settlers, and by internecine conflict between those who were pro-English and those who were pro-Dutch. Matters were made much worse when the Pequots killed a dishonest trader, John Oldham, in July of 1636. The settlers demanded retribution. Massachusetts raised a military force under the command of John Endicott. This troop landed on Block Island, killed 14 natives and burning the village and crops. They then moved on to Saybrook and burned that village as well.

And on this day in history, May 26, 1637, a military force under John Mason and John Underhill attacked the Pequot settlement near New Haven, Connecticut, destroying the village, which consisted mostly of women, children, and the elderly. Over 500 were killed. The only Pequot survivors were warriors who had been with their leader Sassacus in a raiding party outside the village. Sassacus and many of his followers were surrounded in a swamp near a Mattabesic village called Sasqua and nearly 180 warriors were killed. Sassacus was eventually killed by the Mohawk, who sent his scalp to the English as a symbol of friendship. Surviving captives were sold in the West Indies as slaves. The few Pequots who were able to escape the English fled to surrounding Indian tribes and were assimilated. The Pequot nation was destroyed.

A 19th-century engraving depicting the Pequot War

Captain John Mason later wrote that they wouldn’t have killed so many Pequots if they would have opted to be “servants” for the colonists, but “they could not endure that Yoke.” Thus did the Lord, Mason writes, “scatter his Enemies with his strong Arm!:

Let the whole Earth be filled with his Glory! Thus the LORD was pleased to smite our Enemies in the hinder Parts, and to give us their Land for an Inheritance.”

You can read the entire text of Mason’s joyous account of the Pequot massacres here.


Thanksgiving Day Celebrates A Massacre

William B. Newell, a Penobscot Indian and former chairman of the Anthropology department at the University of Connecticut, says that the first official Thanksgiving Day celebrated the massacre of 700 Indian men, women and children during one of their religious ceremonies. “Thanksgiving Day” was first proclaimed by the Governor of the then Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1637 to commemorate the massacre of 700 men, women and children who were celebrating their annual Green Corn Dance…Thanksgiving Day to the, “in their own house”, Newell stated.

“Gathered in this place of meeting, they were attacked by mercenaries and English and Dutch. The Indians were ordered from the building and as they came forth were shot down, The rest were burned alive in the building—–The very next day the governor declared a Thanksgiving Day…..For the next 100 years, every Thanksgiving Day ordained by a Governor was in honor of the bloody victory, thanking God that the battle had been won.”

In June 1637 John Underhill slaughtered a pequot village in just the manner described above. Narranganset Indians were used as the mercenaries. Governor John Endicott of the Massachusetts Bay Colony proclaimed the pequot war. A pequot chief of sachem named sassacus warred against the Dutch in 1633 over the death of his father. The pequot made no distinction between the Dutch and the English. The Underhill massacre was witnessed and documented by William Branford and an engraving was made illustration the massacre.

The Jamestown Colony may be the source for the tradition of Indians under the leadership of Powhaton joining with early settlers for a dinner and helping those settlers through the winter. There were no pilgrims of puritans at Jamestown, however. The present Thanksgiving may therefore be a mixture of the tradition of the Jamestown dinner and the commemoration of the Pequot massacre.

The celebration of Thanksgiving as an official holiday possibly roots in the Pequot massacre, while the imagery is of Jamestown with pilgrims, images misused.

Source:André Cramblit, Operations Director, (NCIDC)
The Northern California Indian Development Council is a non-profit organization that helps meet the social, educational, and economic development needs of American Indian communities.


The Shocking Savagery of America’s Early History

It’s all a bit of a blur, isn’t it? That little-remembered century� to 1700—that began with the founding (and foundering) of the first permanent English settlement in America, the one called Jamestown, whose endemic perils portended failure for the dream of a New World. The century that saw all the disease-ridden, barely civilized successors to Jamestown slaughtering and getting slaughtered by the Original Inhabitants, hanging on by their fingernails to some fetid coastal swampland until Pocahontas saved Thanksgiving. No, that’s not right, is it? I said it was a blur.

From This Story

The ”peaceful” Pilgrims massacred the Pequots and destroyed their fort near Stonington, Connecticut, in 1637. A 19th-century wood engraving (above) depicts the slaughter. (The Granger Collection, NYC) Historian Bernard Bailyn. (Photograph by Jared Leeds)

Fotogalleri

Enter Bernard Bailyn, the greatest historian of early America alive today. Now over 90 and ensconced at Harvard for more than six decades, Bailyn has recently published another one of his epoch-making grand narrative syntheses, The Barbarous Years, casting a light on the darkness, filling in the blank canvas with what he’s gleaned from what seems like every last scrap of crumbling diary page, every surviving chattel slave receipt and ship’s passenger manifest of the living and dead, every fearful sermon about the Antichrist that survived in the blackened embers of the burned-out churches.

Bailyn has not painted a pretty picture. Little wonder he calls it The Barbarous Years and spares us no details of the terror, desperation, degradation and widespread torture—do you really know what being “flayed alive” means? (The skin is torn from the face and head and the prisoner is disemboweled while still alive.) And yet somehow amid the merciless massacres were elements that gave birth to the rudiments of civilization—or in Bailyn’s evocative phrase, the fragile “integument of civility”—that would evolve 100 years later into a virtual Renaissance culture, a bustling string of self-governing, self-sufficient, defiantly expansionist colonies alive with an increasingly sophisticated and literate political and intellectual culture that would coalesce into the rationale for the birth of American independence. All the while shaping, and sometimes misshaping, the American character. It’s a grand drama in which the glimmers of enlightenment barely survive the savagery, what Yeats called “the blood-dimmed tide,” the brutal establishment of slavery, the race wars with the original inhabitants that Bailyn is not afraid to call “genocidal,” the full, horrifying details of which have virtually been erased.

“In truth, I didn’t think anyone sat around erasing it,” Bailyn tells me when I visit him in his spacious, document-stuffed study in Harvard’s Widener Library. He’s a wiry, remarkably fit-looking fellow, energetically jumping out of his chair to open up a file drawer and show me copies of one of his most-prized documentary finds: the handwritten British government survey records of America-bound colonists made in the 1770s, which lists the name, origin, occupation and age of the departing, one of the few islands of hard data about who the early Americans were.

“Nobody sat around erasing this history,” he says in an even tone, “but it’s forgotten.”

“Yes,” he agrees. “Look at the ‘peaceful’ Pilgrims. Our William Bradford. He goes to see the Pequot War battlefield and he is appalled. He said, ‘The stink’ [of heaps of dead bodies] was too much.”

Bailyn is speaking of one of the early and bloodiest encounters, between our peaceful pumpkin pie-eating Pilgrims and the original inhabitants of the land they wanted to seize, the Pequots. But for Bailyn, the mercenary motive is less salient than the theological.

“The ferocity of that little war is just unbelievable,” Bailyn says. “The butchering that went on cannot be explained by trying to get hold of a piece of land. They were really struggling with this central issue for them, of the advent of the Antichrist.”

Suddenly, I felt a chill from the wintry New England air outside enter into the warmth of his study.


Se videoen: Unearthing the Pequot War in Groton