Nelson Rockefeller

Nelson Rockefeller

Nelson Rockefeller blev født i Bar Harbor, Maine, den 8. juli 1908. Han var søn af John Davison Rockefeller, Jr. og barnebarn af John Davison Rockefeller, Sr. Efter eksamen fra Dartmouth College i 1930 gik Rockefeller på arbejde for familievirksomhed. I de næste par år tilbragte han meget tid i Brasilien og Latinamerika.

I 1940 blev Rockefeller udnævnt til assisterende udenrigsminister og tjente under anden verdenskrig som koordinator for mellemamerikanske anliggender, en anti-nazistisk alliance for Central- og Sydamerika. Efter krigen udnævnte Harry S. Truman ham som leder af International Development Advisory Board.

I 1945 inviterede Nelson Rockefeller John J. McCloy til at slutte sig til familieadvokatfirmaet. Han accepterede tilbuddet, og firmaet blev kendt som Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McCloy. Advokatfirmaets vigtigste klient var Rockefeller -familiens bank, Chase Manhattan. Som John D. Rockefeller Jr. fortalte sin personlige advokat, Thomas M. Debevoise, "McCloy kender så mange mennesker i regeringskredse ... at han måske er i vejen for at få information om forskellige emner uden at søge det, eller afslører hans hånd. " McCloys hovedopgave involverede lobbyvirksomhed for gas- og olieindustrien.

Familiens største bekymring var truslen mod deres interesser i Standard Oil i Californien. John D. Rockefeller Jr. ejede næsten 6 procent af selskabets aktier, hvilket gjorde ham til den enkelt største aktionær. I 1946 hævdede Harold Ickes, at Rockefeller overtrådte betingelserne i opløsningsdekretet fra 1911. To andre antitrustadvokater, Abe Fortas og Thurman Arnold, gik sammen med Ickes for at bede justitsministeriet om at undersøge sagen. John J. McCloy, blev bedt om at ordne sagen, og i efteråret 1946 havde han overtalt Ickes, Fortas og Arnold til at droppe sagen.

Rockefeller var medlem af det republikanske parti, og hans politiske karriere blev hjulpet af valget af Dwight Eisenhower, der udnævnte ham til formand for præsidentens rådgivende udvalg om regeringsreorganisering. I 1953 blev Rockefeller undersekretær i Institut for Sundhed, Uddannelse og Velfærd.

Rockefeller forlod Eisenhowers regering i 1956. To år senere blev han valgt til guvernør i New York efter at have besejret den siddende guvernør, W. Averell Harriman, med 600.000 stemmer. Rockefeller var medlem af partiets liberale fløj og gik ind for øgede offentlige udgifter og igangsatte i sin embedsperiode flere byggeprojekter.

Rockefeller lavede tre mislykkede forsøg på at få sit partis præsidentnominering. Hans liberale politiske synspunkter blev holdt imod ham, og han tabte for Richard M. Nixon i 1960. Han blev angrebet af Prescott Bush for at have skilt sin kone i 32 år. "Er vi kommet til det punkt i vores liv som en nation, hvor guvernøren i en stor stat ... kan forlade en god kone, mor til hans voksne børn, skille hende og derefter overtale mor til fire unge til at opgive sin mand og deres fire børn og gifte sig med guvernøren? " Andre republikanere delte disse synspunkter, og Barry Goldwater fik nomineringen, men blev let slået af Lyndon B. Johnson.

I virkeligheden var Rockefellers politiske synspunkter mere konservative, end de så ud. For eksempel havde et af Rockefellers advokatfirmas vigtigste kunder i 1964 et alvorligt problem i 1964. McCloy havde flere møder med Hannas administrerende direktør, George M. Humphrey. De to mænd havde været nære venner, siden Humphrey var Eisenhowers finansminister. Humphrey var meget bekymret over virksomhedens investering i Brasilien. Hanna Mining var den største producent af jernmalm i landet. Efter at João Goulart var blevet præsident i 1961, begyndte han imidlertid at tale om at nationalisere jernmalmindustrien.

Goulart var en velhavende godsejer, der var imod kommunisme. Han gik imidlertid ind for omfordeling af rigdom i Brasilien. Som arbejdsminister havde han øget mindstelønnen med 100%. Oberst Vernon Walters, den amerikanske militærattaché i Brasilien, beskrev Goulart som "dybest set en god mand med dårlig samvittighed for at være rig."

CIA begyndte at lægge planer for at vælte Goulart. Et psykologisk krigsførelsesprogram godkendt af Henry Kissinger, efter anmodning fra telegiganten ITT under hans formand for 40 -komiteen, sendte amerikanske PSYOPS -desinformationsteams til at sprede opdigtede rygter om Goulart.

John J. McCloy blev bedt om at oprette en kommunikationskanal mellem CIA og Jack W. Burford, en af ​​de øverste ledere i Hanna Mining Company. I februar 1964 tog McCloy til Brasilien for at føre hemmelige forhandlinger med Goulart. Goulart afviste imidlertid den aftale, Hanna Mining tilbød.

Den følgende måned gav Lyndon B. Johnson klarsignal for at vælte João Goulart (Operation Brother Sam). Oberst Vernon Walters sørgede for, at general Castello Branco ledede kuppet. En amerikansk flådebærers taskforce blev beordret til at stationere sig ud for den brasilianske kyst. Som det sker, havde de brasilianske generaler ikke brug for hjælp fra taskforcen. Goularts styrker var uvillige til at forsvare den demokratisk valgte regering, og han blev tvunget til at gå i eksil.

Som et resultat af Watergate -skandalen blev Richard M. Nixon den 9. august 1974 den første præsident i USA, der trådte tilbage fra embedet. Den nye præsident, Gerald Ford, nominerede Nelson Rockefeller som hans vicepræsident. Under hans konfirmationshør blev det afsløret, at han gennem årene havde givet store pengegaver til embedsmænd som Henry Kissinger.

Senere samme år, Seymour Hersh af New York Times, offentliggjorde en række artikler, der hævdede, at Central Intelligence Agency havde gjort sig skyldig i ulovlige aktiviteter. Ford sagde i sine erindringer, at han frygtede, at en kongresundersøgelse ville resultere i "unødvendige afsløringer", der kunne "lamme" CIA. Han og hans hjælpere besluttede hurtigt, at han var nødt til at forhindre en uafhængig kongresundersøgelse. Han udpegede derfor Rockefeller til at lede sin egen undersøgelse af disse påstande.

Andre medlemmer af Rockefeller -kommissionen omfattede C. Douglas Dillon, Ronald Reagan, John T. Connor, Edgar F. Shannon, Lyman L. Lemmitzer og Erwin N. Griswold. Eksekutivdirektør for task-force var David W. Belin, den tidligere rådgiver for Warren-kommissionen og førende tilhænger af teorien om magiske kugler. I 1973 havde Berlin udgivet sin bog, 22. november 1963: Du er juryen, hvor han forsvarede Warren -rapporten som et historisk, "urokkeligt" dokument.

I hendes bog, Udfordring af den hemmelige regering: Post-Watergate-undersøgelserne af CIA og FBI, Kathryn S. Olmsted, skrev: "Hans valg til formand, vicepræsident Nelson Rockefeller, havde tjent som medlem af præsidentens udenlandske efterretningsråd, der overvågede CIA. Medlemmerne Erwin Griswold, Lane Kirkland, Douglas Dillon og Ronald Reagan havde alle tidligere været bekendt med CIA -hemmeligheder eller kendt for deres stærke støtte til regeringshemmelighed. "

Journalisten, Joseph Kraft, hævdede, at han frygtede, at Rockefeller -rapporten ikke ville stoppe "den frygtelige tvivl, der fortsat tærer på nationen." Dette afspejlede sig i den meningsmåling, der blev foretaget dengang. Kun 33% havde tillid til Rockefeller-kommissionen og 43% mente, at kommissionen ville blive til "endnu en tildækning".

På et møde med nogle ledende personer på New York Times, herunder Arthur O. Sulzberger og A. M. Rosenthal, lod præsident Gerald Ford slippe oplysningerne om, at CIA havde været involveret i sammensværgelser for at myrde politiske ledere. Han fortalte dem straks, at disse oplysninger var uden for rekorden. Denne historie blev lækket til journalisten Daniel Schorr, der rapporterede historien på CBS News. Som Schorr argumenterede i sin selvbiografi, Bliver afstemt: "Præsident Ford gik hurtigt i gang med at lede en søgende kongresundersøgelse ved at forlænge Rockefeller -kommissionens periode og tilføje attentatspørgsmålet til dens dagsorden."

Rockefellers rapport blev offentliggjort i 1975. Den indeholdt oplysninger om nogle CIA -overgreb. Som David Corn påpegede i Blond spøgelse: "Præsidentens panel afslørede, at CIA havde testet LSD om intetanende emner, spioneret på amerikanske dissidenter, fysisk misbrugt en afhopper, indbrud og bugged uden retsordre, opfanget post ulovligt og beskæftiget sig med klart ulovlig adfærd". Rapporten frembragte også detaljer om MKULTRA, et CIA mind control -projekt.

Rockefeller inkluderede også et afsnit på 18 sider om mordet på John F. Kennedy (Beskyldninger vedrørende mordet på John F. Kennedy). En stor del af rapporten blev taget op med at undersøge sagerne om E. Howard Hunt og Frank Sturgis. Dette var et resultat af, at begge mænd var involveret i Watergate -skandalen. Rapporten hævdede, at en søgning i agenturets optegnelser viste, at Sturgis aldrig havde været en CIA -agent, informant eller operativ. Kommissionen accepterede også begge mænds ord om, at de ikke var i Dallas på attentatdagen.

Rockefeller -kommissionen så også på muligheden for, at John F. Kennedy var blevet affyret af mere end en skudmand. Efter et kort resumé af Warren Commission (1964) og Ramsay Clark Panel (1968) undersøgelser, konkluderede Rockefeller: "På grundlag af undersøgelsen foretaget af dets personale mener Kommissionen, at der ikke er beviser til støtte for påstanden om, at præsident Kennedy blev ramt af en kugle, der blev affyret fra enten den græsklædte knold eller enhver anden position til hans front, højre forside eller højre side, og at bevægelserne i præsidentens hoved og krop efter skuddet, der ramte ham i hovedet, er fuldstændig konsistente med det skud, der er kommet fra et punkt bag på ham, over ham og lidt til højre for ham. "

Rockefeller kiggede også på de mulige forbindelser mellem E. Howard Hunt, Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby og CIA. Han hævdede, at der ikke var noget "troværdigt bevis" for, at Oswald eller Ruby var CIA -agenter eller informanter. Hunt havde heller aldrig kontakt med Oswald. Rapporten hævder: "Hunts beskæftigelsesrekord med CIA indikerede, at han ikke havde pligter med kontakter med cubanske eksilelementer eller organisationer i eller uden for USA efter de første måneder af 1961 ... Hunt og Sturgis benægtede kategorisk, at de nogensinde havde mødt hinanden eller kendt Oswald eller Ruby. De benægtede yderligere, at de nogensinde havde nogen forbindelse med enten Oswald eller Ruby. "

Dette afsnit af rapporten nåede frem til følgende konklusioner: "Der er kommet mange påstande om, at CIA deltog i mordet på præsident John F. Kennedy. Kommissionens personale undersøgte disse påstande. På grundlag af personalets undersøgelse konkluderede Kommissionen, at der var intet troværdigt bevis for nogen CIA -involvering. "

Rapporten blev fordømt som en tildækning. Dr. Cyril H. Wecht anklagede Rockefeller -kommissionen for "bevidst at fordreje og undertrykke" en del af sit vidnesbyrd om karakteren af ​​Kennedys hoved- og nakkesår. Wecht forlangte, at en fuld udskrift af hans vidnesbyrd blev frigivet. Rockefeller nægtede med den begrundelse, at kommissionsproceduren var fortrolig.

Utilfredshed med rapporten resulterede i, at andre undersøgelser af CIA fandt sted. Dette omfattede dem ledet af Frank Church, Richard Schweiker, Louis Stokes, Lucien Nedzi og Otis Pike.

Præsident Gerald Ford droppede Rockefeller som sin vicepræsidentkandidat i 1976, og han trak sig tilbage fra national politik.

Ifølge Jonathan Kwitny (Uendelige fjender), da han gik på pension, gik Nelson Rockefeller på jagt- og fisketure med Guillermo Hernández-Cartaya, den cubanske forretningsmand, der var involveret i World Finance Corporation-bankskandalen. I 1976 hjalp Cartaya med at etablere koordinering af United Revolutionary Organisations (CORU). Andre medlemmer omfattede Frank Castro, Luis Posada, Orlando Bosch, Armando Lopez Estrada og Guillermo Novo.

Nelson Rockefeller døde af et hjerteanfald den 26. januar 1979.

CIA ville bruge de næste to årtier på at bekæmpe frigivelse af dokumenter til borgere, der anmodede dem under FOIA. For CIA-embedsmænd, hvis liv var dedikeret til hemmeligholdelse, kan logikken bag kontrollerne og balancerne i regeringen med tre grene have været uforståelig. Tanken om, at føderale dommere, der ikke er uddannet i spionage, kunne inspicere CIA -filer og endda beordre deres frigivelse var nok til at dæmme op for hemmelige operatørers blod som Richard Ober. CIA -officerer mente, at hverken kongressen eller domstolene kunne forstå de farer, som hemmelige agenter stod over for. Deres instinktive reaktion var derfor at finde enhver vej, hvorved de kunne undgå retslig eller journalistisk kontrol.

En måned efter at kongressen vedtog de nye FOIA -ændringer, lækkede en fra CIA nyheden om MHCHAOS til Seymour Hersh ved New York -limes. Hershs artikel optrådte på forsiden af ​​nummeret "22. Kæmpe C.I.A. -operation rapporteret i USA mod antiwarstyrker, andre dissidenter i Nixon -årene" den 22. december r974. Selvom den var sparsom i detaljer, afslørede artiklen, at CIA havde spioneret på amerikanske borgere i en massiv hjemlig operation, holdt 10.000 sager om enkeltpersoner og grupper og overtrådte 1947 National Security Act. Hersh rapporterede, at efterretningstjenestemænd hævdede, at de indenlandske operationer begyndte som legitim spionage for at undersøge oversøiske forbindelser til dissentere.

Gerald Ford, der kun fire og en halv måned tidligere havde overtaget præsidentposten i kølvandet på Nixons afgang, indtog den offentlige holdning, at CIA ville blive beordret til at ophøre og ophøre. William Colby, der havde erstattet James Schlesinger som CIA -direktør, fik besked på at udsende en rapport om MHCHAOS til Henry Kissinger.

Ford blev tilsyneladende ikke informeret om, at Kissinger var godt klar over operationen. Et par dage senere, efter at Helms kategorisk benægtede, at CIA havde udført "ulovlig" spionage, udnævnte Ford vicepræsident Nelson Rockefeller til at stå i spidsen for en kommission, der ville blive anklaget for at lave en mere omfattende rapport. Fords valg af Rockefeller til at lede sonden var det mest heldige for Ober. Rockefeller var tæt allieret med Kissinger, der havde været en central skikkelse i den tidligere New York -guvernørs præsidentkampagne i 1968. Selvom Rockefeller blev betragtet godt i medierne og politiske kredse for sin uafhængighedsrekke, var det fra begyndelsen næsten helt sikkert, at hans rapport ville udgøre en tildækning.

Faktisk løb Colby i problemer, fordi han var villig til at være mere kommende om MHCHAOS, end Rockefeller og Kissinger ønskede. Efter Colbys anden eller tredje optræden for kommissionens efterforskere trak Rockefeller Colby til side og sagde: "Bill, er du virkelig nødt til at præsentere alt dette materiale for os? Vi er klar over, at der er hemmeligheder, som du skal beholde, og derfor er ingen her vil tage det galt, hvis du føler, at der er nogle spørgsmål, du ikke kan besvare helt så fuldstændigt, som du synes at være nødt til. "

På grund af MHCHAOS og Watergate begyndte kongressen at undersøge CIA. Den 16. september 1975 ringede senatorerne Frank Church og John Tower til Colby for at vidne under en høring om CIA -attentater. Colby dukkede op med en CIA-giftpistol, og Church viftede med pistolen foran fjernsynskameraerne. Det lignede en automatisk pistol med et teleskopisk syn monteret på tønden. Producenter af aftenens nyhedsudsendelser anerkendte dette som opsigtsvækkende optagelser, og lige så sikkert erkendte Colby, at hans dage som direktør var talte. Han havde ikke bevogtet CIA -hemmelighederne godt nok.

Colby blev fyret den 2. november 1975. Hans efterfølger var George Herbert Walker Bush, der havde tjent som chef for det amerikanske forbindelseskontor i Beijing. Bushs arbejde ville være sart, måske umuligt og sandsynligvis utaknemmeligt; men som den tidligere formand for det republikanske parti havde han allerede været i en lignende position og guidede partiet gennem de værste dage i Watergate -skandalen. Han havde støttet Nixon, så længe det var politisk gennemførligt, og endelig havde han sluttet sig til dem, der insisterede på Nixons afgang.

Oplysningen om, at CIA i sit indenlandske overvågningsprogram med kodenavnet Operation Chaos bankede på ledninger og foretog indbrud, skabte et offentligt opsigt, som intervention i fjerntliggende Chile ikke havde. I løbet af juleferien i Vail, Colorado, havde præsident Ford, senere vist sig, endelig fået læst CIA -inspektørgeneralens rapport, uformelt døbt familiejuvelerne.

Det indeholdt en fantastisk liste over 693 genstande fra CIA-fejl, der spænder fra adfærdsændrende lægemiddelforsøg på intetanende emner, hvoraf den ene faldt til sin død fra et hotelvindue; til attentatplaner mod venstreorienterede tredjeverdens ledere.

Præsident Ford meddelte den 5. januar 1975, at han var ivrig efter at holde kongresudvalgene, der allerede var klar til undersøgelser, fra at afsløre det værste af dem, udnævnelsen af ​​en "blåbånd" -kommission til at undersøge forkerte indenlandske operationer. Panelet blev ledet af vicepræsident Nelson Rockefeller og omfattede stalwarts som guvernør Ronald Reagan fra Californien, pensioneret general Lyman Lemnitzer og tidligere finansminister Sekretær Douglas Dillon.

Et par dage senere holdt præsident Ford en lang planlagt frokost for New York Times udgiver Arthur O. Sulzberger og flere af hans redaktører. Mod slutningen kom emnet for den nyligt navngivne Rockefeller -kommission op. Direktør A. Rosenthal bemærkede, at panelet domineret af etableringstal muligvis ikke havde meget troværdighed over for kritikere af CIA. Ford nikkede og forklarede, at han var nødt til at være forsigtig i sine valg, fordi kommissionen med fuld adgang til sager, under præsidenter fra Truman, kunne få kendskab til sager, langt mere alvorlig end den indenlandske overvågning, de var blevet instrueret i at undersøge.

Det efterfølgende tavshed blev brudt af Rosenthal. "Som hvad?"

"Som attentater," skød præsidenten tilbage.

Opfordret af en foruroliget nyhedssekretær Ron Nessen bad præsidenten om, at hans bemærkning om attentater skulle holdes uden for rekorden.

The Times -gruppen vendte tilbage til deres bureau for et livligt skænderi om, hvorvidt de kunne give en historie, der potentielt var så eksplosiv, forbi. Administrerende redaktør E. C. Daniel ringede til Det Hvide Hus i håb om at få Nessen til at lette begrænsningen fra "off-the-record" til "dyb baggrund". Nessen var mere fast besluttet end nogensinde på, at den nationale interesse dikterede, at præsidentens uheldige slip skulle glemmes. Endelig afbrød Sulzberger debatten og sagde, at han som forlægger ville beslutte, og han havde besluttet ikke at bruge brændende oplysninger.

Dette fik flere af redaktørerne til at føle sig ganske frustrerede, med det uundgåelige resultat, at afsnittets ord begyndte at komme rundt og til sidst nåede mig. Selv uden nogen begrænsning uden rekord, fik jeg CBS-kolleger til at finde ud af, hvordan historien skulle forfølges. Fordi Ford havde brugt ordet attentater, antog vi, at vi ledte efter personer, der var blevet myrdet - muligvis personer, der var døde under mistænkelige omstændigheder. Vi udviklede en hypotese, men ingen fakta.

Den 27. februar 1975 kom min mangeårige anmodning om endnu et møde med direktør Colby. Over kaffe diskuterede vi Watergate og Operation Chaos, den indenlandske overvågningsoperation.

Så afslappet jeg kunne, spurgte jeg så: "Er I mennesker involveret i attentater?"

"Ikke mere," sagde Colby. Han forklarede, at al planlægning af attentater var blevet forbudt siden generalinspektørens rapport fra 1973 om emnet.

Jeg spurgte, uden at forvente et svar, hvem der havde været målene før 1973.

"Jeg kan ikke tale om det," svarede Colby.

"Hammarskjold?" Jeg vovede mig. (FN. Generalsekretær dræbt i et flystyrt i Afrika.)

"Selvfølgelig ikke."

"Lumumba?" (Venstre-lederen i Belgisk Congo, der var blevet dræbt i 1961, angiveligt af sine Katanga-rivaler.)

"Jeg kan ikke gå ned på en liste med dig. Undskyld."

Jeg vendte tilbage til mit kontor, hvor mit hoved svømmede med navne på døde udenlandske ledere, der muligvis har krænket den amerikanske regering. Det var frustrerende at være så tæt på en af ​​de store historier i min karriere og ikke kunne få fingre i det. Efter et par dage besluttede jeg, at jeg vidste nok til at gå i luften, selv uden identitet af lig.

På grund af præsident Fords upræcision indså jeg ikke, at han ikke refererede til egentlige attentater, men mordkonspirationer. Alt, jeg vidste, var, at attentat havde været et våben i CIA-arsenalet, indtil det var forbudt i en oprydning efter Watergate, og at præsidenten frygtede, at efterforskning kunne afsløre den mørke hemmelighed. Jeg satte mig ved min skrivemaskine og skrev: "Præsident Ford har angiveligt advaret medarbejdere om, at hvis igangværende undersøgelser går for langt, kan de afdække flere attentater på udenlandske embedsmænd, der involverer CIA ..."

Den to minutter lange "fortæl" -historie kørte på Evening News den 28. februar. Selvom jeg havde taget fejl af at foreslå egentlige mord, åbnede min rapport en af ​​de mørkeste hemmeligheder i CIAs historie.

Præsident Ford gik hurtigt i gang med at lede en søgende kongresundersøgelse ved at forlænge Rockefeller -kommissionens periode og tilføje attentatspørgsmålet til dens dagsorden. Kommissionen planlagde hastigt en ny række hemmelige høringer i vicepræsidentens suite i Det Hvide Hus anneks. Richard Helms, der allerede havde vidnet en gang, blev kaldt hjem igen fra sin ambassadørs post i Teheran i to dages afhøring af kommissionens personale og fire timer før kommissionen den 28. april.

Jeg ventede med kolleger og staked-out kameraer uden for høringslokalet, og det var at bede vidner om at komme med bemærkninger, når de gik. Da Helms dukkede op, rakte jeg min hånd frem med hilsen med et lattermildt "Velkommen tilbage". " Jeg glemte, at jeg var den nærmeste årsag til, at han var tilbage.

Hans ansigt glødede af træthed og belastning, han blev livlig.

”Din fjols,” rasede han. "Din morder, din kælling Killer Schorr - det er hvad de burde kalde dig!"

Han strøg derefter foran kameraerne og gav en nedtonet version af sin tirade. "Jeg må sige, hr. Schorr, jeg kunne ikke lide det, du havde at sige i nogle af dine udsendelser om dette emne. Så vidt jeg ved, var CIA aldrig ansvarlig for at myrde nogen udenlandsk leder."

"Var der diskussioner om mulige attentater?" Jeg spurgte.

Helms begyndte igen at miste besindelsen. "Jeg ved ikke, hvornår jeg stoppede med at slå min kone, eller du stoppede med at slå din kone. Tal om diskussioner i regeringen? Der er altid diskussioner om praktisk talt alt under solen!"

Jeg forfulgte Helms ned ad gangen og forklarede ham den præsidentielle skønsomhed, der havde fået mig til at rapportere "attentater".

Roligere nu, han undskyldte for sit udbrud, og vi gav hinanden hånd. Men fordi andre journalister havde været til stede, var historien om hans tirade i aviserne dagen efter.

Ud over hans ideologiske grunde til at modsætte sig en CIA -undersøgelse, blev Ford også påvirket af partisanske og institutionelle overvejelser. Hershs første historier havde anklaget Richard Nixons CIA for indenlandsk spionage - ikke Lyndon Johnsons CIA eller John Kennedys CIA. Hvis ukorrektionerne faktisk fandt sted på republikanernes vagt, kunne for meget opmærksomhed på disse anklager fremskynde GOP's dias efter Watergate og øge karrieren for korstogende demokrater. Ford modsatte sig også omfattende undersøgelser, fordi han følte sig ansvarlig for at beskytte formandskabet. "Jeg var absolut dedikeret til at gøre hvad jeg kunne for at genoprette formandskabets retmæssige beføjelser under det forfatningsmæssige system," husker han. Hans medhjælpere angiver Fords fornyelse af præsidentmagten efter Watergate som en af ​​hans administrations største præstationer. Denne livslange konservative mente, at han havde pligt til at kontrollere kongresens efterforskere og genoprette æren af ​​hans nye embede.

Inden få dage efter Hershs første historie anbefalede Fords medhjælpere, at han nedsatte en undersøgelsesudvalg for den udøvende afdeling for at undgå at "finde os selv pisket af langvarige kongresshøringer." I et udkast til notat til præsidenten, der blev skrevet den 27. december, forklarede vicestabschef Richard Cheney, at præsidenten havde flere grunde til at nedsætte en sådan kommission: at undgå at blive sat i defensiven, for at minimere "skader" på CIA, at lede fra "Kongressens bestræbelser på at gå yderligere ind i den udøvende gren", for at demonstrere præsidentielt lederskab og for at genoprette amerikanernes tro på deres regering.

Fords medhjælpere advarede om, at denne kommission, der formelt kaldes Kommissionen for CIA -aktiviteter i USA, ikke må se ud til at være "et" bevaret "organ, der er designet til at hvidvaske problemet." Men Ford fulgte tilsyneladende ikke dette råd. Hans valg til formand, vicepræsident Nelson Rockefeller, havde fungeret som medlem af præsidentens udenlandske efterretningsråd, der overvågede CIA. Medlemmerne Erwin Griswold, Lane Kirkland, Douglas Dillon og Ronald Reagan havde alle tidligere kendt til CIA -hemmeligheder eller kendt for deres stærke støtte til regeringshemmelighed.

I et afslørende træk udpegede præsidenten også general Lyman Lemnitzer, den samme formand for Joint Chiefs, hvis kontor i 1962 var blevet anklaget af kongresmedlem Jerry Ford for et "totalitært" forsøg på at undertrykke oplysninger. Kort sagt syntes Fords kommissærer ikke at foretage en aggressiv undersøgelse. Af det "sandblå bånd" -panels otte medlemmer var det kun kritikere af John Connor, en handelssekretær under Lyndon Johnson og Edgar Shannon, en tidligere præsident for University of Virginia.

Mange kongresmedlemmer, herunder GOP -senatorer Howard Baker og Lowell Weicker, fandt kommissionen utilstrækkelig. Nogle tilhængere af CIA, som f.eks. Klummeskribenten Joseph Kraft, var bekymrede for, at mange amerikanere ville se kommissionen som en del af en tildækning af Det Hvide Hus. Selvom Kraft personligt beundrede kommissærerne, frygtede han, at deres fund ikke ville være troværdige og derfor ikke ville reducere "den frygtelige tvivl, der fortsat tærer på nationen." En opinionsundersøgelse bekræftede disse forbehold. 39 procent af de mennesker, Louis Harris undersøgte, mente, at en direktionskommission ville blive for påvirket af Det Hvide Hus, sammenlignet med 35 procent, der støttede Fords handling. En klar flerhed - 43 procent - mente, at kommissionen ville blive til "endnu en tildækning", mens 33 procent havde tillid til kommissionen og 24 procent var usikre. New York Times -redaktionen, der også var mistænksom over for panelet, opfordrede kongresmedlemmer til ikke at lade kommissionen "blive et påskud for at forsinke eller omskrive deres egen uafhængige undersøgelse." En uge senere mindede Times igen kongressen om dens pligt til at foretage en "lang, detaljeret" undersøgelse af efterretningssamfundet: "Tre årtier er for lange til, at nogen offentlig institution kan fungere uden en grundlæggende vurdering

af sin rolle. "

På grundlag af undersøgelsen foretaget af dets personale mener Kommissionen, at der ikke er beviser til støtte for påstanden om, at præsident Kennedy blev ramt af en kugle, der blev affyret fra enten den græsklædte knold eller en anden position til hans front, højre forside eller højre side , og at bevægelserne i præsidentens hoved og krop efter skuddet, der ramte ham i hovedet, er fuldstændig i overensstemmelse med, at skuddet er kommet fra et punkt bag ham, over ham og lidt til højre ...

Hunts ansættelsesrekord med CIA indikerede, at han ikke havde nogen pligter, der involverede kontakter med cubanske eksilelementer eller organisationer i eller uden for USA efter de første måneder af 1961 ... De benægtede endvidere, at de nogensinde havde nogen forbindelse med enten Oswald eller Ruby ...

Der er kommet mange påstande om, at CIA deltog i mordet på præsident John F. På grundlag af personalets undersøgelse konkluderede Kommissionen, at der ikke var troværdige beviser for nogen CIA -involvering.


ROCKEFELLER, Nelson Aldrich

(b. 8. juli 1908 i Bar Harbor, Maine d. 26. januar 1979 i New York City), guvernør i New York i hele 1960'erne, der søgte og undlod at modtage den republikanske nominering til præsident i 1960, 1964 og 1968 efterfølgeren til den enormt velhavende Rockefeller -familie.

Den anden søn og tredje af seks børn født til filantroperne John Davison Rockefeller, Jr., og Abby Greene Aldrich, Rockefeller voksede op med enorm rigdom, magt og prestige som barnebarn af den rigeste mand i verden, John D. Rockefeller, og af den amerikanske senator Nelson Aldrich, der repræsenterede Rhode Island som republikaner. Han gik på Lincoln School, en progressiv co -pædagogisk institution i New York City, hvorefter han tog eksamen fra Dartmouth College (1926–1930) med en B.A. cum laude i økonomi. Rockefeller blev gift med Mary Todhunter Clark, en socialite i Philadelphia, den 23. juni 1930 fik parret fem børn og blev skilt i 1962.

Selvom han vidste, at han ville arve en trustfond på $ 40 millioner, var Rockefeller ingen playboy. Han sluttede sig til familiekontoret i 1931, fik en ejendomsmæglerlicens og begyndte at sælge plads i det nye Rockefeller Center, dengang verdens største kontorkompleks. Rockefeller lærte fra fødslen, at rigdom har en forpligtelse til at hjælpe andre, og gav sit første bidrag til det offentlige liv ved at tjene under præsident Franklin D. Roosevelt i 1940. Som koordinator for Office of Inter-American Affairs forsøgte han at afværge truslen fra Nazisme ved at give latinamerikanere økonomisk bistand. I 1944 blev han assisterende statssekretær for latinamerikanske anliggender, men hans aggressive tilgang førte til konflikt med hans overordnede, og Rockefeller trak sig et år senere. Fast besluttet på at hjælpe andre familier med at drage fordel af kapitalismen, som han havde, skabte han American International Association for Economic and Social Development for at forhindre spredning af kommunisme i Latinamerika ved at bruge private amerikanske midler til at forbedre folkesundhed, uddannelse og landbrug. Rockefeller blev opkaldt af præsident Dwight Eisenhower i 1952 for at reorganisere den føderale regering og anbefalede oprettelsen af ​​Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) og fungerede som dens sekretær fra 1953 til 1954. Rockefeller forlod HEW for at fungere som Eisenhowers særlige assistent på koldkrigsstrategi, en post han havde indtil hans nominering som forsvarsminister blev blokeret i 1955 på grund af hans ry for store udgifter.

Da hans føderale regerings karriere var indskrænket, så Rockefeller til sin hjemstat New York og vandt valget som dets guvernør i 1958. Han tjente til sidst fire valgperioder over femten år, fra 1959 til 1973. Karismatisk, hårdtarbejdende og i stand til at forholde sig til mennesker kl. alle trin på den sociale stige, så han hvert problem som løseligt, men hans optimistiske forbrug bidrog til New Yorks økonomiske problemer i 1970'erne. Intent on keeping a friendly business climate in the state by lowering business taxes, Rockefeller paid for the expansion of New York government and the accompanying 300 percent jump in the state budget during his tenure by raising individual taxes. He continually argued that the federal government should provide greater subsidies to larger states. To defend his controversial fiscal policies and to measure public opinion, Rockefeller began an innovative ten-year practice in 1961 of holding a series of town meetings around New York.

As socially liberal as he was free-spending, Rockefeller often seemed more like a New Deal Democrat than a Republican. He revitalized Albany, the capital of New York, by building a vast governmental complex he funded the construction of hospitals and roads, advocated civil rights, supported rent control, and promoted treatment for narcotics abusers rather than strict criminal penalties (a position that changed in the 1970s because treatment failed to have much effect). One of his most creative programs, the Urban Development Corporation (UDC) of 1968, built low-and middle-income housing by mixing four dollars of private capital with one dollar of government aid. Able to override local zoning laws, much to the anger of many New Yorkers, it was the nation's most powerful state agency for urban housing construction. Rockefeller used his personal contacts with the Wall Street financial community, particularly his brother David, head of Chase Manhattan Bank, to keep the agency solvent. After he left office, the UDC defaulted on its loans. Rockefeller's greatest legacy to the state may be the expansion of the state university system, which increased from 38,000 students on 28 campuses to 246,000 students on 71 campuses by the time he left office.

Rockefeller's personal life occasionally made headlines during the 1960s. In 1961 his youngest son, Michael, disappeared on an anthropological expedition in New Guinea. The family's prominence made the disappearance headline news around the globe. Rockefeller immediately flew to assist in a fruitless search for the remains of the young man, who was possibly attacked by crocodiles or, more likely, killed in a racially motivated attack by cannibals.

As governor of the most populous and powerful state in the country, Rockefeller instantly became a major figure in the Republican Party upon his 1958 election moderate Republicans bandied his name about as a candidate for the presidency in 1960. An ambitious man, Rockefeller had designs on the office and made a nationwide exploratory tour in 1959, but the qualities that made him a successful governor did not make him a good national candidate. Rockefeller typically relied on his staff to conduct massive amounts of research. In 1960 he gave up his pursuit of the nomination, reporting that the "people who were running my campaign said it was hopeless." He simply lacked the fierce determination that propelled other men, like Richard Nixon, to ignore the naysayers. The downing of a U-2 spy plane over Russia in May 1960 prompted Rockefeller to threaten to split the party at the convention by making himself available for a draft unless his advocacy of increased defense spending and stronger support for civil rights were reflected in the Republican Party platform. This blackmail did not endear Rockefeller to party leaders, and his actions hurt him when he again flirted with the nomination in subsequent years.

Rockefeller's presidential campaigns were also constrained by his governorship unlike the eventual 1960s Republican presidential nominees Nixon and Barry Goldwater, he had a state to run. He did not have the luxury of spending years courting the party faithful, nor, as he acknowledged in his twilight days, would he have been content to sit on the sidelines gathering support while others ran the country. Rockefeller also had to attract diverse, multiethnic urban voters to maintain political power in New York, and the programs that appealed to such an audience did not necessarily meet with the approval of southern or western white suburbanites. Key state and local Republicans around the country preferred a more conservative leader.

In 1964 Rockefeller had an excellent chance of winning the presidential nomination, but his personal life cast too dark a shadow. He had fallen in love with Margaretta "Happy" Fitler Murphy, eighteen years his junior and a married mother of four young children. Both Rockefeller and Happy divorced their spouses they married on 4 May 1963. Before his remarriage, Rockefeller had been ahead of Goldwater in the polls, but his actions cost him this lead. To add further insult, Goldwater partisans came up with the slogan "We want a leader, not a lover." Rockefeller managed to win the Oregon primary in May 1964, but the first of two sons that Happy bore him arrived with unfortunate timing a week before the California primary. With Rockefeller's morality again on center stage, California voters gave Goldwater the win.

In 1968 a staff analyst told Rockefeller he could not be nominated for the presidency, and he intended to sit out the campaign. Accordingly, he publicly withdrew in March 1968, but he reentered the race at the end of April after appeals from moderates and the business community. Having entered too late to mount a serious challenge to the frontrunner, Richard Nixon, and having antagonized many leading Republicans, Rockefeller's only hope lay in a massive groundswell of support. He spent lavishly on national television advertising to raise his opinion polls, but he could not overcome Nixon's lead.

Despite his differences with Nixon, Rockefeller loyally supported the president. A hawk and a strong anti-Communist, he supported Nixon's Vietnam policy and acted as the president's emissary to Latin America in 1969. Continuing to yearn for the presidency, he renominated Nixon at the 1972 convention in an attempt to better position himself for the 1976 campaign. Chosen as Gerald Ford's vice president when Nixon and Agnew resigned in disgrace, Rockefeller was sworn in on 19 December 1974 and found himself marginalized in the White House and in his own party. He retired from politics in 1975. On a Friday night in 1979 he met privately with a female staff worker in his New York City townhouse and suffered a fatal heart attack, fueling considerable speculation about the exact circumstances of his demise. His cremated remains were buried in the Rockefeller Family Cemetery, near the family's Westchester County estate in Sleepy Hollow, New York.

A liberal and a believer in an activist government, Rockefeller fell out of step with the increasingly conservative Republican Party of the 1960s. Although a much-ad-mired and enormously popular governor who helped millions of New Yorkers with innovative policies, he failed in his lifelong ambition to become president because he did not appeal to voters in the South and West who dominated the Republican ranks.

Rockefeller's private and governmental papers are held at the Rockefeller Archive Center, Pocantico Hills, near Tarrytown, New York. He authored a number of books, including The Future of Federalism (1962) Unity, Freedom, and Peace (1968) og Our Environment Can Be Saved (1970). Biographies of Rockefellerinclude James Desmond, Nelson Rockefeller: A Political Biography (1964) Robert H. Connery and Gerald Benjamin, Rockefeller of New York: Executive Power in the Statehouse (1979) Joseph E. Persico, The Imperial Rockefeller: A Biography of Nelson A. Rockefeller (1982) and James F. Underwood and William J. Daniels, Governor Rockefeller in New York: The Apex of Pragmatic Liberalism in the United States (1982). James Poling's The Rockefeller Record: A Political Self-Portrait (1960) is a collection of his public utterances. The dominant Rockefeller of his generation, he is covered heavily in Peter Collier and David Horowitz, The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty (1976). Nicol C. Rae, The Decline and Fall of the Liberal Republicans: From 1952 to the Present (1989), summarizes Rockefeller's presidential runs. An obituary is in the New York Times (27 Jan. 1979).


The story of Nelson Rockefeller's death and the spin that kept the (sexy) truth out of the headlines

They didn't recognize the shoeless man lying unconscious on the floor of the posh Manhattan townhouse. The blonde trying to resuscitate him was frightened and out of breath.

"How long has he been out?" one of the paramedics asked.

His body was warm, but they couldn't find a pulse. Now they began administering oxygen and injecting powerful drugs into the shoeless man's veins to jump-start his heart.

Six minutes later the electrocardiogram line gave a wiggle. But as paramedic William McCabe radioed nearby St. Clare's Hospital that the squad was ready to roll, he got inexplicable orders to head for farther-away Lenox Hill Hospital instead.

At Lenox Hill a few minutes later, the ambulance was met by Dr. Ernest Esakof.

"All right," Esakof announced to the crew. "Let's not talk about this."

At 12:20 a.m. on Saturday the 26th of January 1979, 70-year-old Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller, former four-term governor of the State of New York and former vice president of the United States of America, was declared dead, apparently of a heart attack.

Forty minutes later, Rockefeller family spokesman Hugh Morrow began unspooling the official story of the great man's last moments.

But matters were already spinning out of control.

The scion of the family that oversaw America's most famous fortune, Nelson Rockefeller lusted his entire life for that which even his millions could not buy the presidency.

An aristocrat who treated his wives to new Rolls-Royces each year, he had nonetheless always been a hit with the masses. "Rocky" worked hard at being a regular guy, throwing out a jaunty "Hiya, fella!" as he glad-handed voters en route to his four terms in Albany.

But he was often at odds with his own Republican Party, and in the twilight of his career he'd had to settle for a truncated two-year stint as vice president to Gerald Ford, a man the otherwise populist Rockefeller considered his distinct inferior.

In the summer of 1975, the unhappy veep had met a 22-year-old wire-service reporter named Megan Marshack, who seemed to have won his interest by plying him with cookies. When he left Washington the following year, Marshack came back to New York with him as his $60,000-a-year assistant moving into a luxurious co-op at 25 W. 54th St., a few doors from the townhouse Rockefeller kept in the city.

The first press reports of Rockefeller's death paid moving tribute to the hardworking GOP elder who had died at his desk while working on a book about modern art.

Solemnly, Morrow told reporters Rockefeller had suffered a heart attack at 10:15 Friday night in his office at 30 Rockefeller Plaza and that a security aide, the only other person present, had tried to revive him and failed. The stricken man had been admitted to Lenox Hill at 11:15, he said, and widow Happy Rockefeller had arrived at 12:25 a.m., 10 minutes too late. Of the frightened blonde, Morrow made no mention.

The following day, Morrow admitted he'd gotten one or two details wrong. Actually, Rockefeller had died at his 54th St. townhouse, he said. A chauffeur also had been there at the time. Of the blonde, there was still no mention.

But there she was in the police reports, and now the press wanted to know about her.

Well, yes, Morrow acknowledged, he had just learned that Nelson Rockefeller's young assistant also had been present when his heart gave out.

In his death, the distinguished Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller now became a lurid tabloid astonisher.

None of the story held up. He'd been stricken at 10:15, he arrived at the hospital at 11:15 why, the press wondered, had it taken an hour to get Rockefeller to the hospital? No, the Rockefeller camp said, the heart attack had actually occurred minutes before 11:15 and the time originally given out had been incorrect. "It was simply a case of people under pressure making a mistake," said spokesman George Taylor. As for Marshack, said Morrow, she had called 911, and that was the sole extent of her involvement.

But it wasn't Marshack who had called 911 at all, it quickly developed. That call had been made by TV personality Ponchitta Pierce, who lived in Marshack's building and who had departed the scene before cops arrived.

Marshack was gone now too visiting friends in the country, Morrow said, he didn't know where. That story collapsed when it was learned that The Associated Press had reached Marshack by phone four hours after Rockefeller's heart stopped beating, and that she'd told the AP that Morrow was with her.

Morrow clammed up altogether at this point.

By now the questions were too large to contain. Why hadn't there been an autopsy? Why had Rockefeller been so quickly cremated? And who exactly was this Miss Marshack, anyway?

Megan Marshack had several acquaintances quite willing to dish to the papers. Quickly there came revelations that Rockefeller had helped her buy her plush apartment, furnished it with antiques and art from his personal collection, provided for riding lessons at his Pocantico Hills estate in Westchester. Marshack's neighbors said Rockefeller, stooped though he was by worsening health, was a frequent visitor and always brought flowers for his comely assistant. Former co-workers made it plain they regarded Marshack as a gold-digger, a woman who talked openly of snaring a man with money.

Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau made an "informal" inquiry into the events surrounding Rockefeller's death then declined to reveal what he'd turned up. "I don't want to get into questions like that," he said.

In an America still uncertainly coming to terms with the notion of seeing the names and reputations of its devoted public servants sullied, social observers fretted that the line between news and gossip was perhaps becoming blurred, not to mention the line between privacy and public interest. But it wasn't long before Johnny Carson could start drawing laughs merely by uttering the words "Megan Marshack."


Actually, Nelson Rockefeller's Fortune Was Scrutinized Too

I n a press conference on Wednesday, President-elect Trump brought attorney Sheri Dillon forward to speak to the point of how he will avoid potential conflicts of interest between his business interests and his role as President of the United States.

His business empire is “not dissimilar to the fortunes of Nelson Rockefeller when he became Vice President,” she noted, “but at that time no one was so concerned.”

In fact, though Rockefeller’s wealth did not ultimately prove an obstacle for his service as Vice President under Gerald Ford, TIME’s archives show that plenty of people were concerned that his fortunes might pose a problem.

Rockefeller’s arrival in the office of Vice President came about in an unusual way, after Gerald Ford became President following Richard Nixon’s resignation in 1974. That circumstance left the vice presidency open, and Ford selected Rockefeller, a former New York Governor, to fill the job. Because of those circumstances, Rockefeller had to testify before the Senate before he could be confirmed as VP. As TIME reported, the influence of his money was a major concern among the Senators present:

No outsider really knows, but according to some estimates, the personal holdings and trusts of the Rockefellers may total as much as $1.3 billion.

This fortune both awed and worried some Senators. They were not altogether reassured by Rockefeller’s promise to put his personal securities and holdings into “blind trusts” that would prevent his knowing which securities he owned at any one time. Nor were the Senators convinced by Rockefeller’s protestations that accounts of his economic influence were a “myth.” The witness pointed out that the Rockefellers own no more than 2.06% of any oil company and a scant 2.54% of the so-called family bank, the Chase Manhattan, 3rd largest in the world (its chairman: David Rockefeller). Rocky insisted that he had so little pull at Chase that he had to borrow money at 12% interest. “I’ve got to tell you,” said Rockefeller in his husky voice, “I don’t wield economic power.”

…For all its earnestness, it was a rather disingenuous statement. The Rockefeller economic power is measured not only in stockholdings but also in terms of contacts, prestige and ability to raise capital. Nor did the witness point out that his family has contributed an estimated $25 million to his various political campaigns.

The Senator who was most irritated by Rockefeller’s claim of powerlessness was West Virginia Democrat Robert C. Byrd, who grew up in an impoverished mining town during the Depression. “Can’t we at least agree,” Byrd demanded, “that the influence is there, that it is a tremendous influence, that it is more influence than any President or Vice President ever had?”

“Could I get you to add the word ‘potential’ influence?” Rockefeller asked.

“Very well, very well,” said the exasperated Senator.

“Because…”

“Mr. Rockefeller,” Byrd broke in, “you can answer my question with one word, yes or no, and I’ll be satisfied. Can you separate the interests of big business from the national interest when they differ?”

“Yes, sir,” Rockefeller boomed. “No problem.”

In particular, gifts that Rockefeller had given over the years were seen as coming “perilously close to violating New York State’s conflict-of-interest laws,” as TIME put it in October of 1974.


The Life and Strangely Sexual Death of Nelson Rockefeller

The famed businessman’s 70 years on Earth before succumbing to an alleged sex-fueled heart attack are truly the stuff beyond legend.

Brobdingnagian, a word penned by Jonathan Swift in Gullivers rejser, comes closest to describing politician Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller’s peregrinations on this planet as a man of both towering intellect and colossal blind spots. Which also probably pegs his appeal, since there have not been many figures in public life who were so public about their thinking even when they thought stupid stuff — Bill Clinton came close and exceeded Rockefeller in craft by a full measure.

Or, in Rockefeller’s case, gjorde stupid stuff. Like? Like in 1972, when, as governor of New York, he set the National Guard loose on rioting inmates at Attica Prison, which left 39 people dead, 10 of them hostages. Og derefter breezily explained it away later while chatting with President Richard Nixon by saying, according to Det New York Times, “That’s life.”

Rockefeller was the rarest of creatures — one that we don’t see much of these days: a liberal Republican.

Heavy, and existentially so, but in keeping with the man who, on a campaign swing in 1976 as vice president to Gerald Ford, greeted hecklers with a raised middle finger, for a time dubbed the Rockefeller Salute, and refused to apologize for it. Because? Well, because he was Nelson Rockefeller. Who held the special salute long enough for people in the press pool to get all the photos they needed.

“Not bad for a Dartmouth man,” says former Nyhedsdag reporter Ed Newton, laughing. But outside of being a reliable generator of comedy, Rockefeller was the rarest of creatures — one that we don’t see much of these days: a liberal Republican. “Reagan and Goldwater didn’t have the time of day for him,” says Newton. For good reasons, they thought. Rockefeller gave somewhat of a damn about the environment, and he spent money on education. Indeed, it was largely through his agency that the multicampus State University of New York was created. And the capper for some of the more doctrinaire Republicans: Through investment in New York State’s infrastructure, he was in tight with the unions.

Nelson A. Rockefeller in the late 1950s, when he first sought the governorship of New York.

See, Rockefeller was the grandson of both the man widely held to be the wealthiest American of all time, as well as the richest person in modern history, according to PBS and Formue magasin. Nevertheless, oilman John D. Rockefeller was a pragmatist. With a schoolteacher mother and an education forged in a tony Upper West Side experimental school staffed with teachers from Columbia University’s Teachers College, Rockefeller gjorde end up being a Dartmouth man. Cum laude, no less.

And, as time unspooled, not only would Rocky work in the family concerns, which at that point included, well, everything from oil to banking, and dabble in the requisite rich-guy stuff involving universities, art and museums, but he would also pursue the aforementioned crazy career in the public sector.

In addition to vice president and governor, Rockefeller did time, twice, as a cabinet secretary. First as assistant secretary of state for American republic affairs under Roosevelt and then Truman. And second as under secretary of health, education and welfare in the Eisenhower administration. But that high-profile public service is not how he’s remembered or why we’re talking about him here.

Here’s why. Rockefeller died from a heart attack on Jan. 26, 1979, at age 70, not that surprising, even if, as I spread out the paper that fateful morning, I was surprised. (Rockefeller was fond of seeing a psychic for some of life’s stickier moments, so he should have seen it coming.) At least he died doing what he loved, which the early reports indicated was slaving away at his desk in Rockefeller Center. On a book about art. Which is where he was found by security, slumped over his desk.

Back in the ’80s, I met the woman between whose thighs he allegedly died.

Allan MacDonell, journalist

As maybe Rockefeller himself would have wanted it, maybe, the report was soon corrected to state that he had had the attack at another “office.” This one a townhouse. In attendance was a 25-year-old “aide,” name of Megan Marshack. Which was a little more surprising, and which the media had a field day with, which really should surprise no one.

“Back in the ’80s, I met the woman between whose thighs he allegedly died,” says Allan MacDonell, a journalist whose investigative chops would later bring down Republican Senator Bob Packwood and an executive editor at Hustler for 20-some-very-odd years. “I was in my early 30s when I saw her, and accustomed to working at Hustler. I remember thinking: She doesn’t look like heart attack material.”

The deceased’s family, including wife Happy Rockefeller, tastefully demurred, even if longtime aide Joseph Persico confirmed the affair. The issue for them, though, was that their loved one was dead and would be missed. At the memorial service a week later, more than 2,000 people showed up to pay their respects, feeling very much the same way.

Despite it all. Despite Rocky’s three failed attempts to secure the presidency, the dead in Attica, divorce, remarriage, infidelity, middle finger, friendship with Henry Kissinger — despite it all, it was comfortably being acknowledged: a major player had passed.


Nelson Rockefeller’s time as Vice President was relatively uneventful, but the country experienced crippling inflation and high oil prices due to the Arab oil embargo that resulted from the 1973 Arab-Israeli War. He was much more active as Governor of New York, where he was an anti-crime, “Law and Order” type of guy. His time as Governor, however, was marred by the Attica prison riot and massacre his explanation to President Nixon why 39 people had been killed was “That’s life.” History and Headlines Fact: Rockefeller gave an unruly crowd the finger in 1976. On another occasion, Nelson showed that he was out of touch with reality by speaking of “average guys like you and me.” If Nelson Rockefeller considered himself an average guy, then it must be typical for average guys to have 4,100+ acre family estates with 70 miles of private roads and the ability to buy 18,000 acres in Texas for “recreation.”

All in all, the United States did not fair so badly with the two leaders it had not voted into office. Actually, the team may well have been a lot better than some of the other duos that have been elected to the White House. Hvad gør du think?

Bemærk: In 2019-2020 the US is facing the impeachment of President Donald Trump, If the Senate votes to convict him of the 2 articles he is charged with (either of them), he will be forced from office and Michael Pence, the sitting Vice President will be sworn in as our new President. Pence with then appoint a new Vice President, one not elected by the people. Since Pence is also under investigation, the real possibility exists that he could also be impeached if he becomes President! (December 19, 2019)

Spørgsmål til studerende (og abonnenter): Do you believe someone that is not elected as Vice President should be allowed to ascend to the Presidency? Let us know in the comments section below this article.

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Nelson Rockefeller - History

By Natalie LaFantasie Coolidge

The road to greatness often begins in a small New England village. This was true of a man whose grandparents and great grandparents lived in East Killingly, CT. From these upright citizens was passed on a strong family ethic . . "an ethic based on the fundamental American values, which has come down through the generations since then. . . This family ethic was transmitted by precept and example and conscientious daily instruction, from my grandparents to my father." These were the words of Nelson A. Rockefeller, Vice President of the United States from 1974 to 1977, in his statement to the Senate Rules Committee during his vice presidential confirmation hearings in 1974.

In continuing the Killingly Historical Journal's series of articles on famous people who came from the town of Killingly, our attention was called to the humble beginnings of Nelson A. Rockefeller's forebears by Louise and Allen Oatley of East Killingly. They had preserved a number of letters, newspapers and magazine articles that told some of the stories of his background. Mrs. Oatley also took me to the Bartlett Cemetery to see the place where Rockefeller's great grandparents were buried.

Their history begins in Foster, RI, where Anan Aldrich, son of Job Aldrich, lived with his wife, Abby (Burgess) Aldrich. One of their sons, Nelson Wilmarth Aldrich, was born November 6, 1841, on a farm in Foster belonging to his mother's people who were descendants of Roger Williams. When living in East Killingly, Nelson Wilmarth Aldrich received his early education in the country school on top of the hill, then enrolled in East Greenwich Academy in Rhode Island. He recalled in later years having to walk a mile to school from his grandmother's home, remembered attending Sunday School in the church and Thomas Pray was his teacher. He closed his speech at Old Home Day, July 27, 1904, at the Baptist Church there with these words: "I have had many varied experiences in life, but wherever I have been I have never ceased to think of the days in East Killingly as the happiest of my life." He said he was introduced to public speaking at the old Town House in Killingly Center.

After attending East Greenwich Academy in Rhode Island for one year, Nelson W. Aldrich went to work in Providence, RI, and soon after entered the employ of the leading wholesale grocers of the state. He was promoted so rapidly he became a junior partner and at the age of twenty-four was Junior Vice President.

He had already seen service in the 10th Rhode Island Volunteers, which was called to Washington to protect the capital in 1862 during the Civil War. After he had typhoid fever, he was discharged and returned to Providence the same year.

In 1866 he married Abby Chapman and one of their children was Abby Greene Aldrich who later married John Davison Rockefeller 2nd, a former student at Brown University in Providence. They had several children, one of whom was Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller. In speaking of the "influence of my mother," Nelson Rockefeller remembered Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, the daughter of a U. S. senator from Rhode Island, as "deeply motivated in an ethical and spiritual sense." His mother was the leavening influence on the family. She was a gay, warm, intuitive woman. He quoted from a letter from his mother to him and his two young brothers during their childhood:

"I want to make an appeal to your sense of fair play and to beseech you to begin your lives as young men by giving the other fellow, be he Jew or Negro, or of whatever race, a fair chance and a square deal. It is to the disgrace of America that horrible lynchings and race riots frequently occur in our midst. The social ostracism of the Jews is less brutal, and yet it often causes cruel injustices."

Religion also played a major role in Rockefeller's upbringing:

"We had family prayers every morning before breakfast and on Sunday attended Sunday school and church." While attending college at Dartmouth he taught a Sunday school class. "We were raised strictly, as was my father and his father before him," Rockefeller said. "The surroundings were obviously different, but the principles and the discipline were the same.

As a boy, Nelson would not apply himself to his studies. His puritanical father, John D. Rockefeller 2nd, despaired over him. Nelson was forever getting into mischief: flicking food across the stately Rockefeller dinner table, hiding a baby rabbit in his mother's muff in church, flunking subjects in high school. He was sent to Dartmouth College, in New Hampshire, because he could not qualify for Princeton, which was attended by his older brother John. At Dartmouth, his competitive spirit more than anything else made him work hard. He earned a Phi Beta Kappa key.

The Aldrich summer home (Anthony Shippee house) on the old Pike Road (Route 101) once had John D. Rockefeller 2nd as a guest. When Erwin B. Chase, Sr., sometimes known as Barber Chase, was driving him back and forth in a horse and buggy, he never dreamed that the man with him would some day be the father of the Vice President of the United States.

Although Nelson Rockefeller grew up in splendor and enormous wealth, his father drummed into all his children a deep sense of responsibility. He had many years of experience in government and politics. He served under Presidents Roosevelt, Truman and Eisenhower, and was Governor of New York for four terms---longer than any man since colonial times. He had long wanted to be President having campaigned for the Republican nomination three times--in 1960, 1964 and 1968--but could never win. Then he was chosen by Gerald Ford to be his Vice President.

Thus the road from East Killingly, CT, concluded at the end of Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.C.

Fra: Windham County Transcript: - January 2, 1908

The moving pictures and illustrated songs each afternoon and evening at Phoenix Hall are the best ever seen in Danielson. The program is changed twice a week and is strictly first class. The new electric piano furnishes music during the program. The illustrated songs are sung by Clarence Kies, formerly with Salisbury's moving pictures and Miss Dora Reeves, who in her catchy songs receives nightly great applause. "Why Don't You Take Our Little Boy?" is the song she is singing with great success this week. Five cents is the low price of admission to these entertainments. No moving picture company that is charging 25 cents and 35 cents admission is giving any better programs. It is an opportunity to pass an evening of enjoyment of high-class moving pictures and illustrated songs at a very small cost. These programs, given as they are in Phoenix Hall, the prettiest and most comfortable hall in Danielson, are deserving the hearty patronage of the public. Last week the seating capacity of the hall was tested every evening, and Saturday evening there was standing room only. The entertainment commences every afternoon at 4 o'clock, running continuously until 10.


Nelson Rockefeller

Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller (July 8, 1908 – January 26, 1979) in OTL was the 41st Vice President of the United States under Gerald Ford, and the 49th Governor of New York, as well as serving the Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower and Nixon administrations in a variety of positions. He was also a noted businessman, art collector, and philanthropist.

Rockefeller, a Republican, was relatively liberal and his views were generally closer to the Democratic Party's than the GOP's. In his time liberals in the GOP were called Rockefeller Republicans. As Governor of New York from 1959 to 1973 his achievements included the expansion of the State University of New York, efforts to protect the environment, the building of the Nelson A. Rockefeller Empire State Plaza in Albany, increased facilities and personnel for medical care, and creation of the New York State Council on the Arts. After unsuccessfully seeking the Republican presidential nomination in 1960, 1964, and 1968, he served as Vice President from 1974 to 1977 under President Gerald R. Ford, but did not join the 1976 GOP national ticket with President Ford, marking his retirement from politics.

As a businessman he was President and later Chairman of Rockefeller Center, Inc., and he formed the International Basic Economy Corporation in 1947. Rockefeller assembled a significant art collection and promoted public access to the arts. He served as trustee, treasurer, and president, of the Museum of Modern Art, and founded the Museum of Primitive Art in 1954. In the area of philanthropy he established the American International Association for Economic and Social Development in 1946, and with his four brothers he founded the Rockefeller Brothers Fund in 1940 and helped guide it.

Alternate versions of Rockefeller have been discovered in the multiverse:

  • Nelson Rockefeller, President of Second North American Republic (1756 World)
  • Nelson Rockefeller, 37th President of the United States (PS-1)
  • Nelson Rockefeller, Vice President of the United States (The Found Order)

Meget sandsynligt refererer det til en enhed, der vises på flere tidslinjer.


Nelson Rockefeller - History


Nelson Rockefeller was born on July 8, 1908 in Bar Harbor Maine. He was born into one of the richest families in the United States his grandfather, John D. Rockefeller I, made the family fortune with Standard Oil, and his four brothers became prominent in their respective fields. He went to elementary and high school at an experimental school run by Teacher's College of Columbia University. He received a college degree from Dartmouth College. Nelson entered public service in 1940, becoming coordinator of inter-American affairs in the State Department. In 1944, he was appointed Assistant Secretary of State for Latin America, helping to formulate and implement President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Good Neighbor" policy.

During the Truman Administration, Rockefeller served as chairman of the International Development Advisory Board on aid to underdeveloped countries, and under President Eisenhower he was appointed Undersecretary of the Department of Heath, Education and Welfare (1953-1955), after which he was a special assistant to the President for foreign affairs.

Rockefeller ran successfully for the New York governorship in 1958, defeating W. Averell Harriman. During his four successive terms, Rockefeller began large-scale welfare and drug rehabilitation programs, reorganized the New York transportation system and built major public works projects. In order to finance his programs, he raised taxes and began a state sales and income tax.

In 1971, Rockefeller came under attack for the manner in which he handled a violent uprising at Attica State Prison.

Rockefeller campaigned for the Republican nomination for President in 1960, 1964 and 1968, but was considered too liberal by the party. After the Watergate Scandal that resulted in the resignation of President Nixon, Gerald Ford became President and chose Rockefeller as his Vice President. Sworn in on December 19, 1974, he went on to head the Rockefeller Commission investigating allegedly illegal activities of the CIA.

In addition, Rockefeller advised the administration on domestic and economic issues. When Ford ran for election in 1976, Rockefeller declined to be his running mate because of opposition from the conservative wing of the Republican Party. At the end of his term as Vice President, Rockefeller retired to private life.


The Center Today

The Rockefeller Center today is seen as a catalyst for teaching, research, and deliberation about public policy and the social sciences. Dedicated to providing an interdisciplinary perspective on policy-related topics, the center fosters a commitment to the ideals of public service and informed public debate exemplified by the man for which the Center is named. The Center endeavors to:

  • Develop undergraduates’ potential for leadership
  • Support high-quality research on policy related topics
  • Encourage experiential learning in the policy realm
  • Foster campus dialogue about policy issues
  • Stimulate cross-disciplinary approaches to policy problems
  • Promote understanding of policy issues in the community beyond Dartmouth

The Center pursues these objectives through a variety of programs, including administration of a minor in Public Policy financial support for student internships and research grants for faculty research and conferences interdisciplinary faculty seminars and lectures and group discussions with distinguished visiting scholars and policymakers.


Se videoen: Nelson Rockefeller And Bride Leave For Honeymoon 1963