The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) er et føderalt finansieret efterretningsagentur og er den primære kilde til undersøgelsesressourcer for USA. Dens motto er "Troskab, tapperhed, integritet." Dets hovedsæde er i Washington, DCBureauets fødselI 1908 blev bureauet født som en styrke af særlige agenter, som blev oprettet af generaladvokat Charles Bonaparte under Theodore Roosevelts præsidentperiode. I begyndelsen rekrutterede Bureau of Investigation overvejende mænd, der havde tidligere erfaring med retshåndhævelse. Føderale forbrydelser var ikke et stort problem i landet, da bureauet blev indledt. De mest almindelige overtrædelser, der modtog bureauets opmærksomhed, omfattede national banksvindel, jordbedrageri, forskellige former for slaveri og afpresning.I juni 1910 blev Mann ("White Slave") Act et vigtigt redskab for bureauet. Bureau of Investigation brugte også Mann Act til at stille Louisianas Ku Klux Klan "Imperial Kleagle" for retten. I 1912 blev den tidligere speciallæge, Bruce Bielaski, bureauets nye chef. Fra 1912 til 1914 ansatte Bureau of Investigation omkring 300 specialagenter, der var tildelt forskellige føderale forbrydelser, samt mere end 300 andet kontorpersonale, der tilbød support og logistik til feltagenter. Selvom disse forposter primært var placeret i større byer, blev kravet om en tilstedeværelse nær den mexicanske grænse hurtigt tydeligt og tvang placeringen af forposter i mindre grænsebyer til at undersøge forskellige tilfælde af ulovlig smugling. Fra 1921 til 1933 var bureauet ofte i modstrid med en frustreret offentlighed. I løbet af det, der blev kaldt de "lovløse år", modstod mange amerikanere etableringen af forbud, mens andre var involveret i ekstremistisk politik. Razziaer over speakeasies (natklubber, der serverer alkohol) og brugen af lokkebøger, medførte arrestationer af mange bootleggere (alkoholsmuglere) under forbud.Sådan lovløshed havde sine rødder i organiseret kriminalitet, og bureauet var dybt involveret i at udrydde det. Fangst af kriminelle som "Machine Gun" Kelly, bankrøver John Dillinger og "Baby Face" Nelson blev presserende prioriteter, og bureauet fik offentlig respekt i deres rolle i at tage disse bøller ned.Hoover -åreneDen 10. maj 1924 blev 26-årige J. Edgar Hoover bureauets direktør. Han etablerede et specialagentuddannelsesakademi med en minimumsalder på mellem 25 og 35 år, og i slutningen af tyverne havde han smeltet koordineringen af alle feltkontorer med centraliserede filer indeholdende fingeraftrykskort. åbnede FBI Scientific Crime Detection Laboratory (aka The bureau træner også statslige og lokale kriminalitetslaboratorier og retshåndhævende medarbejdere fra hele landet på FBI Academy i Quantico, Virginia.Fra begyndelsen af firserne behandlede bureauet sager om spionage i de amerikanske mål blev taget "downtown" af FBI -agenter. FBI anvendte mange sådanne modintelligensprogrammer, der begyndte i 1950'erne. - Siden 1949 har FBI's liste over ti mest eftersøgte flygtninge været til rådighed for agenter for at arbejde sammen med andre retshåndhævende myndigheder og offentligheden for at hjælpe med at fange farlige flygtninge. dannede “COINTELPRO” (et akronym for counterintelligence services) for at ”neutralisere” politiske dissidenter i USA mellem 1956 og 1971. Da COINTELPRO blev afsløret i 1971, afbrød bureauet sin virksomhed. I løbet af flere årtier som direktør brugte Hoover desværre meget af agenturets ressourcer, der undersøger uskyldige socialister og andre forskellige politiske aktivister - ofte samler enorme filer på enkeltpersoner i processen. Sådanne bemærkelsesværdige amerikanere som Eleanor Roosevelt, der havde den tykkeste personlige sag og Martin Luther King Jr., var genstand for direktørens undersøgelse.Efter HooverOrganiseret kriminalitet følte fortsat FBI's ubarmhjertige pres. En tidligere chauffør og hyret morder for Al Capones efterfølger, Frank "The Enforcer" Nitti, menes Giancana at have været en af de gangstere, der blev rekrutteret af CIA til at myrde den cubanske præsident Fidel Castro. På grund af hans højt profilerede livsstil og intense overvågning af FBI blev Giancana detroniseret af mafiaen og senere myrdet i sit hjem i Illinois i juni 1975, da han vendte tilbage fra eksil i Mexico. En flor af andre FBI-undersøgelser i løbet af 1970'erne og 1980'erne sløvede en smule mafiaens magt. I en 51-dages standoff uden for Waco, Texas, i 1993 forsøgte FBI, ATF (Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms) og Texas Rangers uden held for at redde gren Davidianere, der menes at blive holdt som gidsel af deres leder, David Koresh i deres forbindelse kaldet Mount Carmel. FBI ansatte deres gidslerredningsteam (HRT) og Special Agent in Charge (SAC) fra San Antonio-kontoret til at udføre terrorbekæmpelse på Koresh. Attorney General Janet Reno godkendte brugen af chlorbenzylidenmalononitril (CS) gas til at neutralisere forbindelsens forsvarere. ATF og FBI blev senere beskyldt for overdreven magt i det, der begyndte som en undersøgelse af Koreshs "pistolvirksomhed", og endte med en ungulfing brand og dødsfaldet for de fleste tilhængere inde i forbindelsen. FBI har konfronteret vendefrakker. Den påståede spion blev angiveligt afsløret af et mol-jagthold. Den 24. februar 1994 blev Aldrich Ames, en 31-årig veteran fra Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), pågrebet af FBI i Arlington, Virginia, for spionage. Ames havde spioneret for russerne siden 1985. Det 21. århundrede og begivenhederne den 11. september 2001 bragte en anden slags vold mod Amerika frem, og FBI har været nødt til at tilpasse og ændre sine terrorbekæmpelsesteknikker for at håndtere sådanne trusler . Den nye lov, der stammer fra George W. Bush -administrationen, giver særlige agenter mulighed for at overvåge mulige terrorismeceller eller aktiviteter gennem aflytning samt internetaktivitet, blandt andre bestemmelser.Direktører siden HooverFBI har haft en lang række direktører siden Hoovers død i 1973, der hver bidrog til bureauet. Kelley moderniserede bureauet og bremsede også vilkårlige undersøgelser og begyndte at give flere kvinder og minoriteter mulighed for at slutte sig til specialagent-rækker.Kelley var formand for bureauet indtil 1978, hvor William H. Sessions også implementerede politikker for at øge antallet af kvinder og minoriteter i bureauet. I 1993 afviste præsident Bill Clinton Sessions under påstande om uetisk adfærd. Mueller, III.KonklusionGennem årene har Federal Bureau of Investigation været involveret i efterforskning og fangst af mange af de mest forræderiske kriminelle i amerikansk historie. FBI er fortsat et voksende føderalt bureau med den bredeste myndighed og jurisdiktion hos ethvert føderalt retshåndhævende agentur.
¹ En betroet person, der arbejder i en stilling med klassificerede oplysninger, som er blevet ansat af et udenlandsk spionagebureau.
² Se Julius og Ethel Rosenberg.
Mere om FBI -spionage
FBI har en lang historie med at misbruge sine nationale sikkerhedsovervågningsbeføjelser. Potentialet for misbrug er igen stort, især i betragtning af at grænserne mellem kriminelle efterforskninger og udenlandske efterretningsoperationer er blevet sløret eller slettet siden 9/11. Som et resultat bliver påtrængende overvågningsværktøjer, der oprindeligt blev udviklet til at målrette sovjetiske spioner, i stigende grad brugt mod amerikanere.
COINTELPRO. Under den kolde krig kørte FBI et indenlandsk efterretning/modintelligensprogram kaldet COINTELPRO, der hurtigt udviklede sig fra en legitim indsats for at beskytte den nationale sikkerhed mod fjendtlige udenlandske trusler til et forsøg på at undertrykke indenrigspolitisk uenighed gennem en række ulovlige aktiviteter. COINTELPRO målrettede adskillige ikke-voldelige protestgrupper og politiske dissidenter med ulovlige aflytninger, berettigede fysiske søgninger og en række andre beskidte tricks. FBI brugte ikke de oplysninger, den hentede fra disse ukorrekte undersøgelser, til lovhåndhævelsesformål, men til at "bryde ægteskaber, forstyrre møder, udrydde personer fra deres erhverv og provokere målgrupper til rivaliseringer, der kan resultere i dødsfald." Kirkeudvalget, et udvalg i Senatet, der undersøgte COINTELPRO i 1970'erne, fandt ud af, at en kombination af faktorer fik lovhåndhævere til at blive lovbrydere. En faktor var deres opfattelse af, at traditionelle retshåndhævelsesmetoder var ineffektive i håndteringen af de sikkerhedstrusler, de stod over for. En anden var deres lette adgang til skadelige personlige oplysninger som følge af "den uhæmmede indsamling af indenlandsk efterretningstjeneste". Desværre er disse faktorer alle til stede igen i dag, da FBI søger at omdanne sig til en intern efterretningstjeneste, der er dedikeret til at forhindre fremtidige terrorhandlinger.
Reformer fortrydes. Kirkeudvalgets eksponering af FBI's COINTELPRO -overgreb førte til en række reformer, herunder love designet til at regulere regeringens overvågning og interne retningslinjer (Attorney General's Guidelines), som begrænsede FBI's efterforskningsmyndighed og præciserede reglerne, der regulerer retshåndhævelse. Disse rimelige grænser er enten blevet opgivet eller ignoreret siden 9/11, dog gennem lovgivning som USA Patriot Act, gennem ændringer af AG -retningslinjerne og gennem en udvidelse af magtfulde Joint Terrorism Task Forces (JTTF), der fungerer med stort set ingen offentlige ansvarlighed.
Patriot Act. Med vedtagelsen af USA Patriot Act udvidede kongressen FBI's myndighed til at stille hemmelige krav om personlige oplysninger og optegnelser om ikke bare mistænkte terrorister eller spioner, men om alle, som FBI blot anså for "relevant" for en FBI -undersøgelse. Ikke overraskende bekræftede en række på fem revisioner fra justitsministeriets inspektør -general omfattende FBI -misforvaltning, misbrug og misbrug af denne ukontrollerede myndighed, som nu oftere end ikke bruges til at målrette amerikanere. For mere om Patriot Act, se ACLU's omfattende side om dette emne.
Rigsadvokat Retningslinjer. AG -retningslinjerne undergik fire separate ændringer under Bush -administrationen, som alle gav FBI øget overvågningsmyndighed med reduceret tilsyn. Rigsadvokat John Ashcroft ændrede først retningslinjerne i 2002 for at udvide undersøgelsesteknikkerne, som FBI kunne bruge under indledende undersøgelser (som kræver mindre beviser for forseelser end en fuld efterforskning), og for at øge tidsfristerne til 180 dage med mulighed for to eller flere 90-dages forlængelser. Ashcroft -retningslinjerne tillod også FBI -agenter at "besøge ethvert sted og deltage i enhver begivenhed, der er åben for offentligheden på samme vilkår og betingelser som medlemmer af offentligheden generelt." FBI hævdede senere, at denne myndighed ikke krævede, at FBI -agenter, der deltog i offentlige møder, identificerede sig som embedsmænd.
I et forsøg på at dæmpe bekymringer om, at FBI ville misbruge denne udvidede myndighed ved at målrette mod aktivitetsbeskyttet aktivitet, sagde FBI-direktør Robert Mueller til kongressen i 2002, at FBI ikke havde planer om at infiltrere moskeer. Ikke desto mindre var der i de følgende år en kraftig stigning i FBIs kontroversielle brug af informanter som agenter provokatør i religiøse omgivelser, herunder i Miami, New York og det nordlige og sydlige Californien. I 2009 forsvarede direktør Mueller denne taktik og sagde, at FBI ikke ville "tage [sin] fod af pedalen for at bekæmpe terrorisme."
I 2005 reviderede inspektionen for justitsministeriet (IG) FBI's overholdelse af AG-retningslinjerne og fandt betydelige mangler: 53 % af de reviderede foreløbige undersøgelser, der strakte sig ud over den første 180-dages autorisationsperiode, indeholdt ikke nødvendig dokumentation, der godkendte forlængelsen, og 77% af dem, der forlængede den første 90-dages forlængelsesperiode, manglede de nødvendige tilladelser. IG var imidlertid ikke i stand til at afgøre, hvorvidt eller hvor ofte agenter deltog i offentlige begivenheder, fordi FBI ikke kunne føre registre over sådan aktivitet.
De sidste og mest dramatiske ændringer af AG -retningslinjerne blev foretaget i december 2008 i Bush -administrationens sidste måned i embedet. Dengang statsadvokat Michael Mukasey indførte nye retningslinjer, der bemyndiger FBI til at foretage undersøgelser kaldet "vurderinger" uden at kræve noget faktuelt prædikat, der tyder på, at undersøgelsens mål er involveret i ulovlig aktivitet eller trusler mod den nationale sikkerhed. Mukasey -retningslinjerne gør det muligt for FBI at anvende en række påtrængende undersøgelsesteknikker under disse vurderinger, herunder fysisk overvågning, hentning af data fra kommercielle databaser, rekruttering og opgave af informanter til at deltage i møder under falske forudsætninger og deltage i "påskud" interviews, hvor FBI -agenter forkert fremlægge deres identitet for at fremkalde oplysninger. "Vurderinger" kan endda udføres mod en person blot for at afgøre, om han eller hun ville være en passende FBI -informant. Intet i de nye AG -retningslinjer beskytter helt uskyldige amerikanere mod grundigt at blive undersøgt af FBI uden god grund. De nye retningslinjer giver eksplicit tilladelse til overvågning og infiltration af fredelige fortalergrupper forud for demonstrationer, og de forbyder ikke klart at bruge race, religion eller national oprindelse som faktorer ved initiering af vurderinger.
Brug af race og etnicitet. En intern FBI -guide til implementering af de nye AG -retningslinjer, kaldet Domestic Investigations and Operations Guide (DIOG), indeholder opsigtsvækkende afsløringer om, hvordan FBI bruger race og etnicitet til at foretage vurderinger og undersøgelser. For det første siger DIOG, at undersøgelses- og efterretningsindsamlingsaktiviteter ikke må baseres "udelukkende på race". Men Justitsministeriets vejledning fra 2003 om brug af race i føderal lovhåndhævelse, som er bindende for FBI, siger, at race ikke kan bruges "i nogen grad" uden en specifik emnebeskrivelse. Der er en kæmpe forskel mellem at bruge race som -en faktor og bruge race som eneste faktor.
Desuden fortsætter DIOG'en med at beskrive de autoriserede anvendelser af race og etnicitet for FBI -agenter, som omfatter:
Det er svært at forestille sig, hvordan ethvert amerikansk retshåndhævende agentur ville overveje at indsamle og kortlægge racemæssige og etniske samfundsdemografier en passende brug af dets ressourcer (eller for den sags skyld i overensstemmelse med dens forpligtelse til ikke kun at følge, men håndhæve amerikanske borgerrettighedslove). Faktisk opgav Los Angeles Police Department i 2007 en lignende plan om at kortlægge LAs muslimske samfund i lyset af offentlig forargelse. FBI anfægtede stærkt en rapport fra 2007 fra Congressional Quarterly's Jeff Stein om, at FBI havde sporet falafel-salg i San Francisco for at forsøge at finde iranske terrorister, men DIOG bekræfter bestemt, at FBI anser etnisk adfærd og etnisk orienterede virksomheder for rimelige mål for overvågning (og Stein stod ved sin historie).
Data Mining. FBI fejer utrolige mængder information om uskyldige amerikanere gennem ukontrolleret dataindsamling og data mining programmer. Ifølge dokumenter opnået af magasinet Wired i 2009 har en arm af FBI kaldet National Security Branch Analysis Center (NSAC) indsamlet 1,5 milliarder optegnelser fra offentlige og private kilder i en massiv datamining. De optegnelser, der er indsamlet af FBI, inkluderer finansielle registre fra virksomhedsdatabaser, såsom hotel- og lejebilvirksomhedstransaktioner millioner af "mistænkelige aktivitetsrapporter" fra finansielle institutioner millioner af optegnelser fra kommercielle datagregerere en lang række retshåndhævende og ikke-lovhåndhævende regeringsdatabaser og offentlig information hentet fra telefonbøger og nyhedsartikler. NSAC -optegnelserne omfatter data fra FBI's Investigative Data Warehouse, som blev identificeret i en afdeling for justitsinspektørens generelle rapporter som depot for oplysninger indsamlet af FBI via National Security Letters (NSL'er) og ulovlige presserende breve.
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FBI og kommunistpartiet
Havde observatører i 1950'erne vidst, hvad de har lært siden 1970'erne, da informationsfrihedsloven åbnede Bureau ’s filer, ‘McCarthyism ’ ville sandsynligvis blive kaldt ‘Hooverisme. '” Historieprofessor Ellen Schrecker
Under J. Edgar Hoovers lange periode som direktør havde FBI stor succes med at spionere på organisationer, der var fjendtlige over for USA's interesser, herunder Ku Klux Klan og de nazistiske og kommunistiske partier. Hoover dæmoniseres i mainstream historiebøger, fordi de venstreorienterede aktivister, der skriver de fleste af lærebøgerne, ærgrer sig over hans indsats mod en af de tre organisationer.
Af en eller anden ukendt grund har høgskoleprofessorer og andre venstreorienterede ekstremister tendens til at være anti-antikommunister, uforsonligt fjendtligt mod enhver, der nogensinde kæmpede mod kommunismen i enhver egenskab. I så fald ville J. Edgar Hoover få meget mere sympatisk behandling i historiebøgerne, hvis han havde begrænset sin anti-subversive indsats til KKK og nazisterne.
Modspionage i anden verdenskrig
FBI har en lang historie med at bryde hemmelige samfund, der er fjendtlige over for amerikanske interesser. Inden USA overhovedet var i krig med Nazityskland, havde FBI for eksempel opdaget og infiltreret Frederick Duquesne -spionringen og havde endda en FBI -muldvarp, der betjente den korte bølgeradiostation, hvorigennem de nazistiske spioner kommunikerede med deres chefer i Berlin!
Da præsident Franklin Roosevelt udstedte sin berygtede bekendtgørelse 9066, der tvang amerikanske borgere af japansk afstamning til interneringslejre, blev trækket understøttet af liberale ikoner som Earl Warren og Hugo Black og modsat af J. Edgar Hoover.
Hoover fortalte præsidenten, at langt de fleste japansk-amerikanere var loyale amerikanere, og at hvis de havde været illoyale, ville han have vidst det. Interneringsordren var unødvendig, sagde han, fordi hans agenter havde identificeret de japansk-amerikanere og tysk-amerikanere, der repræsenterede en trussel mod USA længe før krigen begyndte, og arresterede stort set dem alle inden for 48 timer efter Pearl Harbor-angrebet.
Når spionage er en dårlig ting
Forvent ikke, at venstreorienterede historielærere giver Hoover æren for at modsætte sig japansk internering. Hans "forbrydelser", i øjnene på den typiske gråhestehale-universitetsprofessor, er for store til at muliggøre nogen formindskelse.
Professor Eric Foner klager for eksempel i sin nybogshistoriebog over, at Washington DC i 1950'erne var en by, der var plaget af “ -spionage, mistanke og ærekrænkelse ved rygter ” 1 og når han siger “spionerer, ” det er ikke den udbredte sovjetiske spionage fra den æra, han klagede over. I 1950'erne spionerede FBI -agenter og informanter på kommunistpartiet, mens kommunistpartiets medlemmer spionerede mod den amerikanske regering. Venstrefløjere som Dr. Foner ærgrer sig bittert over FBI for at have spioneret på spionerne.
Professor Ellen Schrecker har beskrevet Hoovers FBI som “ den eneste vigtigste komponent i det antikommunistiske korstog, ” 2, og det mener hun ikke som et kompliment. Som de fleste historieprofessionelle fordømmer hun Joseph McCarthy for at have foretaget en "heksejagt", angiveligt uden tegn på kommunistisk spionage og fordømmer derefter Hoover for at have givet McCarthy præcis de beviser, som hun hævder McCarthy aldrig havde.
Og Hoover leverede masser af beviser.
FBI og CPUSA
FBI fik information om de anti-amerikanske aktiviteter i det kommunistiske parti USA (CPUSA) fra mange kilder. FBI -agenter havde adgang til Venona -projektet dekrypterer meddelelser mellem den sovjetiske regering og dets netværk af spioner i USA. De arbejdede tæt sammen med afhoppere fra CPUSA, herunder eks-spymasters Elizabeth Bentley og Whittaker Chambers. Mest imponerende var FBI -agenter og kollaboratører i stand til at infiltrere partiet og overvåge dets aktiviteter indefra.
Den taktik, der gjorde det muligt for FBI at infiltrere og overvåge nazistiske spionringe under anden verdenskrig, fungerede lige så godt mod kommunistpartiet. I 1942 rekrutterede FBI for eksempel en kosmetolog ved navn Mary Markward til at infiltrere Washington DC -grenen af CPUSA. Markward quickly rose through the ranks to become the Party’s treasurer, which gave her access to the party’s membership rolls and other records.
For several years every dues check and Daily Worker subscription in the DC area went through Mrs. Markward’s hands, including several from Government employees, who were forbidden by federal law to be Communist Party members. She spent seven years as a mole in the Party before health problems forced her to retire. Two years later she testified before the House Committee on Un-American Activities.
And it wasn’t just the local Party offices that were infiltrated Hoover had spies inside the national party headquarters as well. Morris Childs, the most noteworthy example, was a charter member of CPUSA who grew disillusioned with the party as he learned of Stalin’s various atrocities. In 1947 Childs suffered a debilitating heart attack, and the cold response of his Party comrades made him ripe for recruitment as an FBI agent.
In the mid-1950’s Childs’ health improved, and he resumed his activities in the Communist Party, while secretly reporting to the FBI. By the early 1960’s Childs was the number two man in CPUSA, reporting directly to Party Chairman Gus Hall. He traveled frequently to Moscow before and during the Vietnam War to meet with high ranking Soviet officials including General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev. 3 During his tenure he and his brother Jack smuggled thirty million dollars in Soviet money into the United States for the CPUSA. J. Edgar Hoover, of course, received reports detailing every dollar of it.
Hoover also got reports on Soviet support for the Communist forces fighting Americans in Vietnam, on the communications between Brezhnev’s government and Communist-controlled “Peace” groups in the US, and on every other Cold War era subject of any interest to the American side.
What the Files Reveal
Hoover’s agents kept detailed files on Communist agents operating in this country. Many of these files have now been released to the public in response to Freedom of Information Act requests, and some of them contain information painfully embarrassing to college history professors and other leftwing activists.
Frank Marshal Davis, for example, was a political activist who served as a political mentor for current US President Barack Obama. Davis’ relationship with the young future President has been confirmed both by right wing critics of the President, and by left wing supporters like Gerald Horne and Professor John Edgar Tidwell as well as by the Associated Press. 4 Many leftists portray Davis’ connection to the Communist Party as mere rumor-mongering by right wing zealots, but the undeniable truth is right there in Davis’ FBI file. Frank Marshal Davis was a Communist. He carried Communist Party membership card #47544. His wife Helen’s membership card was #62109.
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Professor Howard Zinn, to cite one more example, wrote the million-selling history textbook A People’s History of the United States, which is, unfortunately, required reading for students in high schools and universities around the nation. Professor Foner has praised Zinn’s cartoonish book as a masterpiece written “with an enthusiasm rarely encountered in the leaden prose of academic history,” and said more specifically that Zinn’s thirty-four pages of slander against the Vietnam era US military “should be required reading for a new generation of students.” 5 Professor Zinn was a Communist Party member for most of his life, as his FBI file clearly shows.
It’s no wonder that anti-anti-Communists in this country have always hated J. Edgar Hoover. His agents and their tactics were a Communist’s worst nightmare.
1 Eric Foner, Give Me Liberty (Volume II, 2006 edition), p. 801
2 Ellen Schrecker. 1998. Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Boston: Little, Brown p. 239
3 Paul Kengor, Dupes, ISI Books 2010, pp. 282, 283
4 Ibid., pp. 446-452
5 Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States, Harper Perennial Modern Classics 2003, back cover
FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin
Since 1935, the FBI has provided information on current law enforcement issues and research in the field to the larger policing community through the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin. Just as the FBI has adapted over the years to address the changing needs of the criminal justice community, the opslag continues changing to reach a more mobile and widespread audience. The current issue of the opslag will be the final hard-copy edition, ending nearly 80 years in that format.
Det opslag will continue to deliver peer-reviewed articles submitted by a wide range of authorities, including subject matter experts, national security liaisons, officers and agents in the field, and legal instruction advisors. Beginning January 2013, these articles will be available exclusively online at http://www.fbi.gov. A brief history of the opslag explains its effort to help law enforcement professionals better understand and combat security threats facing the United States and protect and defend citizens.
In October 1932, the Bureau of Investigation began publishing a monthly magazine of fugitive write-ups titled Fugitives Wanted by Police. In October 1935, after the Bureau of Investigation became the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the publication was renamed the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin and added brief articles noting advances in police science to its fugitive write-ups. As the 1930s continued to witness a renaissance of American policing marked by increased professionalism and growth of the forensic sciences, the opslag served as a primary resource for disseminating information throughout the law enforcement community.
Forties and Fifties
After the attack on Pearl Harbor, the United States joined the Allied war effort against the Axis Powers. Like all segments of society, policing changed dramatically during the war years. Throughout the war era, the opslag provided law enforcement officials with information related to national defense, scientific aids, and police training. As the American economy expanded during the postwar years, unparalleled growth led to profound changes for the law enforcement community. In its pages the opslag addressed the major issues of the time, including rising levels of juvenile delinquency and policing’s role in maintaining national security.
Sixties and Seventies
In the 1960s, the opslag chronicled a decade of intense social change. In addition to advances in the forensic sciences, articles focused on such topics as the growing drug culture and police response to civil disturbances.
During the 1970s, the opslag featured articles that promoted the evolving emphasis on education in policing, as well as changes in tactics and hiring practices embraced by the nation’s law enforcement agencies.
Eighties and Nineties
During the 1980s, the opslag further established itself as a primary training resource for law enforcement administrators in agencies throughout the nation and the world. During the decade, the opslag featured articles on a broad array of scientific, technological, and strategic advances that would prove to have a dramatic affect on law enforcement. In the 1990s, the opslag embraced new technologies to reach a wider and more diverse readership. In 1991 it became one of the first law enforcement-related publications to go online and provide electronic versions of the magazine for viewing on the Internet.
Today and the Future
Today the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin remains one of the most widely read law enforcement-related publications in the world. Each month law enforcement administrators in more than 105 countries receive copies. Given the high “pass-around” rate of the printed copies, as well as its online presence, the opslag has an estimated readership of over 200,000 criminal justice professionals each month.
Det opslag has become an extension of the work of the FBI Training Division. While the FBI hosts over 3,000 law enforcement specialists each year at the Training Academy at Quantico, many others within the criminal justice system have benefited from the information shared by subject matter experts from all aspects of the law enforcement community who have provided information and instruction in the pages of the opslag.
Its mission remains strong—to inform, educate, and broaden the criminal justice community’s understanding of current issues facing law enforcement. For 80 years the opslag has served this community and will continue to do so in the challenging days ahead through its website, https://leb.fbi.gov/.
FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin Cover Montage
The cover montage on the following pages primarily highlights covers from the last 30 years. Det Fugitives Wanted by Police covers from 1932 to September 1935 featured only text. The magazine changed its name to the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin in October 1935 and began including pictures of a fugitive on the cover until June 1938. From July 1938 until June 1965, the cover featured only logos. The first photographic covers began with the July 1965 issue, which featured a picture of former FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover. Those covers were either duotone or black and white until the first full-color cover appeared on the January 1989 issue. There are plans to eventually scan and reprint the contents on the magazine’s website of every issue of the magazine, including covers, going back to October 1932. Updates on the progress of this project will be posted on the site.
Organization, Mission and Functions Manual: Federal Bureau of Investigation
In 1908 Attorney General Charles Joseph Bonaparte issued an Order creating an investigative agency within the Department of Justice. The Order was confirmed in 1909 by Attorney General George W. Wickersham, who ordered the establishment of the Bureau of Investigation. The present name, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), was designated by Congress in 1935.
The mission of the FBI is to protect and defend the United States against terrorist and foreign intelligence threats, to uphold and enforce the criminal laws of the United States, and to provide leadership and criminal justice services to federal, state, municipal, and international agencies and partners and to perform these responsibilities in a manner that is responsive to the needs of the public and is faithful to the Constitution of the United States.
Ahmed Ferhani, who was bipolar with a low IQ, was arrested for planning an attack on a synagogue in Manhattan in 2011 along with his friend Mohamed Mamdouh.
The NYPD ran the sting in this case and had been aware of Ferhani for years because his mother had to call the police when he had manic episodes as a teenager.
This is one of several instances where local police departments colluded with federal investigators. In Ferhani&rsquos case, federal authorities declined to pursue the case.
His lawyers argued that Ferhani was entrapped to justify the NYPD&rsquos surveillance of Muslims.
Prison officers pushed client to suicide, lawyer of mentally-ill Muslim inmate tells RThttps://t.co/OyjVYpcIyqpic.twitter.com/pu1PPTGAL7&mdash RT America (@RT_America) April 14, 2016
Ferhani was introduced in 2010 to Ilter Ayturk, who was an undercover cop. It was Ayturk who gave the two the idea to carry out an attack and encouraged Ferhani to make anti-Semitic remarks. He told Ferhani about Palestine and blamed Jewish people, encouraging Ferhani to do the same.
Ferhani met another agent pretending to be a weapons dealer, giving him $100 for ammunition, a grenade, and three semi-automatic pistols.
Ferhani was sentenced to 10 years in prison, where he attempted suicide after being abused by guards.
The abuse was so bad that he had to have 12 staples in his head following one incident and was left in a coma after his suicide attempt, AP reports.
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)
The U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) began monitoring Martin Luther King, Jr., in December 1955, during his involvement with the Montgomery bus boycott, and engaged in covert operations against him throughout the 1960s. FBI director J. Edgar Hoover was personally hostile toward King, believing that the civil rights leader was influenced by Communists. This animosity increased after April 1964, when King called the FBI “completely ineffectual in resolving the continued mayhem and brutality inflicted upon the Negro in the deep South” (King, 23 April 1964). Under the FBI’s domestic counterintelligence program (COINTELPRO) King was subjected to various kinds of FBI surveillance that produced alleged evidence of extramarital affairs, though no evidence of Communist influence.
The FBI was created in 1909 as the Justice Department’s unit to investigate federal crimes. Hoover became FBI director in 1924 and served until his death in 1972. Throughout the 1930s the FBI’s role expanded when President Franklin D. Roosevelt asked the FBI to research “subversives” in the United States, and Congress passed a series of laws increasing the types of federal crimes falling under the FBI’s jurisdiction. During World War II, the FBI was further authorized to investigate threats to national security. This loosely defined mission formed the heading under which the FBI began to investigate the civil rights movement.
The FBI initially monitored King under its Racial Matters Program, which focused on individuals and organizations involved in racial politics. Although the FBI raised concerns as early as March 1956, that King was associating with card-carrying members of the Communist Party, King’s alleged ties with communism did not become the focus of FBI investigations under the existing Communist Infiltration Program, designed to investigate groups and individuals subject to Communist infiltration, until 1962. In February 1962, Hoover told Attorney General Robert Kennedy that Stanley Levison, one of King’s closest advisors, was “a secret member of the Communist Party” (Hoover, 14 February 1962). In the following months, Hoover deployed agents to find subversive material on King, and Robert Kennedy authorized wiretaps on King’s home and Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) offices in October 1963.
Hoover responded to King’s criticisms of the Bureau’s performance in civil rights cases by announcing at a press conference in November 1964, that King was the “most notorious liar in the country” (Herbers, “Dr. King Rebuts Hoover”). Surprised by the accusation, King replied that he could only have sympathy for Hoover as he must be “under extreme pressure” to make such a statement (Herbers, “Dr. King Rebuts Hoover”). King asked an intermediary to set up a meeting between himself and Hoover to understand what had led to the comment. Andrew Young, a King aide who was present at the meeting, recalled that there was “not even an attitude of hostility” between the two, but at about this same time, the FBI anonymously sent King a compromising tape recording of him carousing in a Washington, D.C., hotel room, along with an anonymous letter that SCLC staff interpreted as encouraging King to commit suicide to avoid public embarrassment (Senate Select Committee, 167).
Hoover continued to approve investigations of King and covert operations to discredit King’s standing among financial supporters, church leaders, government officials, and the media. When King condemned the Vietnam War in a speech at Riverside Church on 4 April 1967, the FBI “interpreted this position as proof he ‘has been influenced by Communist advisers’” and stepped up their covert operations against him (Senate Select Committee, 180). The FBI considered initiating another formal COINTELPRO against King and fellow anti-war activist Dr. Benjamin Spock in 1967, when the two were rumored to be contemplating a run for the presidency, but ruled it out on the grounds that such a program would be more effective after the pair had officially announced their candidacy.
In August 1967, the FBI created a COINTELPRO against “Black Nationalist–Hate Groups,” which targeted SCLC, King, and other civil rights leaders. King was identified as a target because the FBI believed that he could become a “messiah” who could unify black nationalists “should he abandon his supposed ‘obedience’ to ‘white liberal doctrines’ (nonviolence) and embrace black nationalism” (Senate Select Committee, 180). In the last few months of King’s life, the FBI intensified its efforts to discredit him and to “neutralize” SCLC (Senate Select Committee, 180).
According to a U.S. Senate Committee convened in the 1970s to investigate the FBI’s domestic intelligence operations, the impact of the FBI’s efforts to discredit SCLC and King on the civil rights movement “is unquestionable” (Senate Select Committee, 183). The committee determined that: “Rather than trying to discredit the alleged Communists it believed were attempting to influence Dr. King, the Bureau adopted the curious tactic of trying to discredit the supposed target of Communist Party interest—Dr. King himself” (Senate Select Committee, 85).
Though some civil rights activists were aware that they were under surveillance, they still had to rely upon the Bureau to investigate racial discrimination cases. After the passage of the Civil Rights Act fra 1964 the FBI’s jurisdiction in segregation and voting rights cases expanded significantly, and the FBI’s arrests in the Mississippi triple murder case during Freedom Summer demonstrated some measure of public commitment to civil rights investigations.
After King’s assassination in 1968, the FBI successfully launched a large scale investigation to find his killer.
The shootout [ edit | rediger kilde]
Relative positions of FBI agents' and suspects' vehicles after felony car stop at 12201 Southwest 82nd Avenue, Pinecrest, Miami, Florida. Illustration is not to scale.
At 8:45 a.m on April 11, 1986, a team of FBI agents led by Special Agent Gordon McNeill assembled at a Home Depot to initiate a rolling stakeout searching for the black Monte Carlo (Collazo's stolen car). The agents did not know the identity of the suspects at the time. They were acting on a hunch that the pair would attempt a robbery that morning.
A total of fourteen FBI agents in eleven cars participated in the search. Eight of these FBI agents took part in the actual shootout and were paired as follows
- Supervisory Special Agent Gordon McNeill alone in his car
- Special Agent Richard Manauzzi alone in his car
- Special Agent Benjamin Grogan, with
- Special Agent Jerry Dove
- Special Agent Edmundo Mireles, Jr., with
- Special Agent John Hanlon
- Special Agent Gilbert Orrantia, with
- Special Agent Ronald Risner
Around 9:30 a.m., agents Grogan and Dove spotted the suspect vehicle, and began to follow. Two other stakeout team cars joined them, and eventually an attempt was made to conduct a felony traffic stop of the suspects, who were forced off the road following collisions with the FBI cars of agents Grogan/Dove, agents Hanlon/Mireles and agent Manauzzi. This sent the suspect car nose first into a tree in a small parking area in front of a house at 12201 Southwest 82nd Avenue, pinned against a parked car on its passenger side and Manauzzi's car on the driver side.
Of the eight agents at the scene, two had Ithaca Model 37 shotguns in their vehicles (McNeill and Mireles), three were armed with semi-automatic Smith & Wesson Model 459 9mm pistols (Dove, Grogan, and Risner), and the rest were armed with Smith & Wesson revolvers. Two of the agents had backup handguns (Hanlon and Risner) and both would end up using them.
The initial collision that forced the suspects off the road caused some unforeseen problems for the agents, as the FBI vehicles sustained damage from the heavier, older car driven by Matix. Ε] Just prior to ramming the Monte Carlo, Manauzzi had pulled out his service revolver and placed it on the seat in anticipation of a shootout, Ε] but the force of the collision flung open his door and sent his weapon flying. Hanlon lost his .357 Magnum service revolver during the initial collision, though he was still able to fight with his Smith & Wesson Model 36 backup gun. The collision knocked off Grogan's eye glasses, and there is speculation his vision was so bad that he was unable to see clearly enough to be effective. (A claim disputed by the FBI's Medical Director, who stated that Grogan's vision was "not that bad".) Grogan, however, is credited with landing hits in the gunfight.
Manauzzi was wounded when Matix fired his shotgun and the pellets penetrated the door of Manauzzi's car. McNeill fired over the hood of Manauzzi's car but was wounded by return fire from Platt's Ruger Mini-14 rifle. Platt then fired his rifle at Mireles across the street. Mireles was hit in the left forearm, creating a severe wound. Ε] Platt then pulled back from the window, giving Matix opportunity to fire. Due to collision damage, Matix could only open his door partially, and fired one shotgun round at Grogan and Dove, striking their vehicle. Matix was then shot in the right forearm, probably by Grogan. Ζ] McNeill returned fire with six shots from his revolver, hitting Matix with two rounds in the head and neck. Matix was apparently knocked unconscious by the hits and fired no more rounds. Η] McNeill was then shot in the hand, and due to his wound and blood in his revolver's chambers, could not reload. Ε ]
As Platt climbed out of the passenger side car window, one of Dove's 9 mm rounds hit his right upper arm and went on to penetrate his chest, stopping an inch away from his heart. The autopsy found Platt’s right lung was collapsed and his chest cavity contained 1.3 liters of blood, suggesting damage to the main blood vessels of the right lung. Of his many gunshot wounds, this first was the primary injury responsible for Platt’s eventual death. ⎖] The car had come to a stop against a parked vehicle, and Platt had to climb across the hood of this vehicle, a Cutlass. As he did so, he was shot a second and third time, in the right thigh and left foot. The shots were believed to have been fired by Dove. ⎗]
Platt took up position by the passenger side front fender of the Cutlass. He fired a .357 Magnum revolver at agents Ronald Risner and Gilbert Orrantia, and was shot a fourth time when turning to fire at Hanlon, Dove and Grogan. The bullet, fired by Risner or Orrantia, penetrated Platt's right forearm, fractured the radius bone and exited the forearm. This wound caused Platt to drop his revolver. ⎘] It is estimated that Platt was shot a fifth time shortly afterwards, this time by Risner. The bullet penetrated Platt's right upper arm, exited below the armpit and entered his torso, stopping below his shoulder blade. The wound was not serious. ⎙]
Platt fired one round from his Mini-14 at Risner and Orrantia's position, wounding Orrantia with shrapnel created by the bullet's passage, and two rounds at McNeill. One round hit McNeill in the neck, causing him to collapse and leaving him paralyzed for several hours. Platt then apparently positioned the Mini-14 against his shoulder using his uninjured left hand. ⎚ ]
Dove's 9 mm pistol was rendered inoperative after being hit by one of Platt's bullets. Hanlon fired at Platt and was shot in the hand while reloading. Grogan and Dove were kneeling alongside the driver’s side of their car. Both were preoccupied with getting Dove's gun running and did not detect that Platt was aggressively advancing upon them. When Platt rounded the rear of their car he killed Grogan with a shot to the chest, shot Hanlon in the groin area and then killed Dove with two shots to the head. Platt then entered the Grogan/Dove car in an apparent attempt to flee the scene. ⎛] As Platt entered Grogan and Dove's car, Mireles, able to use only one arm, fired the first of five rounds from his pump-action shotgun, wounding Platt in both feet. Ε] At an unknown time, Matix had regained consciousness and he joined Platt in the car, entering via the passenger door. Mireles fired four more rounds at Platt and Matix, but hit neither. ⎜ ]
Around this time, Metro-Dade Police Officers Leonard Figueroa and Martin Heckman arrived. Heckman covered McNeill's paralyzed body with his own. ⎝]
Platt's actions at this moment in the fight have been debated. A civilian witness described Platt leaving the car, walking almost 20 feet and firing at Mireles three times at close range. Mireles does not remember this happening. Officer Heckman does not remember Platt leaving the Grogan/Dove car. Risner and Orrantia, observing from the other side of the street, stated that they did not see Platt leave the car and fire at Mireles. ⎞] However, it is known for certain that Platt pulled Matix's Dan Wesson revolver at some point and fired three rounds. ⎚] ⎟]
Platt attempted to start the Grogan/Dove car. Mireles drew his .357 Magnum revolver, moved parallel to the street and then directly toward Platt and Matix. Mireles fired six rounds at the suspects. The first round missed, hitting the back of the front seat. The second hit the driver's side window post and fragmented, with one small piece hitting Platt in the scalp. The third hit Matix in the face, and fragmented in two, with neither piece causing a serious wound. The fourth hit Matix in the face next to his right eye socket, travelled downward through the facial bones, into the neck, where it entered the spinal column and severed the spinal cord. The fifth hit Matix in the face, penetrated the jaw bone and neck and came to rest by the spinal column. ⎠] Mireles reached the driver's side door, extended his revolver through the window, and fired his sixth shot at Platt. The bullet penetrated Platt's chest and bruised the spinal cord, ending the gunfight. ⎡]
The shootout involved ten people: two suspects and eight FBI agents. Of the ten, only one, Special Agent Manauzzi, did not fire any shots (firearm thrown from car in initial collision), while only one, Special Agent Risner, was able to emerge from the battle without a wound. The incident lasted under five minutes yet approximately 145 shots were exchanged. Ε] ⎢]
Toxicology tests showed that the abilities of Platt and Matix to fight through multiple traumatic gunshot wounds and continue to battle and attempt to escape were not achieved through any chemical means. Both of their bodies were drug-free at the time of their deaths. ⎣]
The History Of The FBI's Secret 'Enemies' List
J. Edgar Hoover was the first director of the FBI. He introduced fingerprinting and forensic techniques to the crime-fighting agency, and pushed for stronger federal laws to punish criminals who strayed across state lines. He also kept secret files on more than 20,000 Americans he deemed "subversive." Anonymous/Library of Congress skjul billedtekst
J. Edgar Hoover was the first director of the FBI. He introduced fingerprinting and forensic techniques to the crime-fighting agency, and pushed for stronger federal laws to punish criminals who strayed across state lines. He also kept secret files on more than 20,000 Americans he deemed "subversive."
Anonymous/Library of Congress
Four years after Pulitzer Prize-winning writer Tim Weiner published Legacy of Ashes, his detailed history of the CIA, he received a call from a lawyer in Washington, D.C.
"He said, 'I've just gotten my hands on a Freedom of Information Act request that's 26 years old for [FBI Director] J. Edgar Hoover's intelligence files. Would you like them?' " Weiner tells Fresh Air's Terry Gross. "And after a stunned silence, I said, 'Yes, yes.' "
Weiner went to the lawyer's office and collected four boxes containing Hoover's personal files on intelligence operations between 1945 and 1972.
"Reading them is like looking over [Hoover's] shoulder and listening to him talk out loud about the threats America faced, how the FBI was going to confront them," he says. "Hoover had a terrible premonition after World War II that America was going to be attacked — that New York or Washington was going to be attacked by suicidal, kamikaze airplanes, by dirty bombs . and he never lost this fear."
Weiner's new book, Enemies: A History of the FBI, traces the history of the FBI's secret intelligence operations, from the bureau's creation in the early 20 th century through its ongoing fight in the current war on terrorism. He explains how Hoover's increasing concerns about communist threats against the United States led to the FBI's secret intelligence operations against anyone deemed "subversive."
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Secrecy And The Red Raids
Weiner details how Hoover became increasingly worried about communist threats against the United States. Even before he became director of the FBI, Hoover was conducting secret intelligence operations against U.S. citizens he suspected were anarchists, radical leftists or communists. After a series of anarchist bombings went off across the United States in 1919, Hoover sent five agents to infiltrate the newly formed Communist Party.
"From that day forward, he planned a nationwide dragnet of mass arrests to round up subversives, round up communists, round up Russian aliens — as if he were quarantining carriers of typhoid," Weiner says.
On Jan. 1, 1920, Hoover sent out the arrest orders, and at least 6,000 people were arrested and detained throughout the country.
"When the dust cleared, maybe 1 in 10 was found guilty of a deportable offense," says Weiner. "Hoover denied — at the time and until his death — that he had been the intellectual author of the Red Raids."
Hoover, Attorney General Mitchell Palmer and Secretary of the Navy Franklin Delano Roosevelt all came under attack for their role in the raids.
"It left a lifelong imprint on Hoover," says Weiner. "If he was going to attack the enemies of the United States, better that it be done in secret and not under law. Because to convict people in court, you have to [reveal] your evidence, [but] when you're doing secret intelligence operations, you just have to sabotage and subvert them and steal their secrets — you don't have to produce evidence capable of discovery by the other side. That could embarrass you or get the case thrown out — because you had gone outside the law to enforce the law."
Hoover started amassing secret intelligence on "enemies of the United States" — a list that included terrorists, communists, spies — or anyone Hoover or the FBI had deemed subversive.
Hoover saw Martin Luther King Jr. as an "enemy of the state," says author Tim Weiner. Express Newspapers/Getty Images skjul billedtekst
Hoover saw Martin Luther King Jr. as an "enemy of the state," says author Tim Weiner.
Express Newspapers/Getty Images
The Civil Rights Movement
Later on, anti-war protesters and civil rights leaders were added to Hoover's list.
"Hoover saw the civil rights movement from the 1950s onward and the anti-war movement from the 1960s onward, as presenting the greatest threats to the stability of the American government since the Civil War," he says. "These people were enemies of the state, and in particular Martin Luther King [Jr.] was an enemy of the state. And Hoover aimed to watch over them. If they twitched in the wrong direction, the hammer would come down."
Hoover was intent on planting bugs around civil rights leaders — including King — because he thought communists had infiltrated the civil rights movement, says Weiner. Hoover had his intelligence chief bug King's bedroom, and then sent the civil rights leader a copy of the sex recordings his intelligence chief had taken of King — along with an anonymous letter from the FBI.
"It was a poison pen letter, it was a hate letter it wasn't from anyone in particular, but Martin Luther King and his wife would certainly know the source of the tapes, that it had to be the FBI," says Weiner. "And the poison pen letter read: 'King, look into your heart. The American people would know you for what you are — an evil, abnormal beast. There is only one way out for you. You better take it before your filthy, abnormal fraudulent self is bared to the nation.' "
Weiner says King ignored the letter, even as the FBI tried diligently to defame him.
"They were trying to get King knocked off from his perch as the Nobel Peace Prize recipient," he says. "They sent [the tapes] to colleges to keep him off campus, they sent it around Washington."
It was Hoover, says Weiner, who decided that bugging King's bedroom was necessary.
"When it came down to bugging bedrooms, you had to be careful not to get caught, but there wasn't anything to stop him," says Weiner. "He decided up to a point . where the boundaries of the law [were] when it came to black bag jobs, break-ins, bugging, surveillance, the constitutionality of gathering secret intelligence on America's enemies — both real and imagined."
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On J. Edgar Hoover's legacy
"Hoover is the inventor of the modern American national security state. Every fingerprint file, every DNA record, every iris recorded through biometrics, every government dossier on every citizen and alien in this country owes its life to him. We live in his shadow, though he's been gone for 40 years. As they always told the agents at the FBI academy when they were training, 'An institution is the length and shadow of a man.' "
On Robert Kennedy authorizing Hoover's plan to bug Martin Luther King Jr.
"Hoover had come to Bobby Kennedy and President Kennedy and said, 'Look, Stanley Levinson — King's adviser — is a communist. He's a secret communist, he's an underground communist, and he's using Martin Luther King as a cat's paw.' Well, when you put it that way, you weren't gainsaying Hoover if you were John or Bobby Kennedy. So they said yes."
On why Hoover asked Roosevelt for "unlimited powers"
"Hoover did not want any limits. He wanted no charter, no rules. He wanted the FBI to investigate the so-and-so's. And he believed that the Soviet Union was trying to steal America's atomic secrets, to burrow into the State Department, the Pentagon, the FBI and the White House — and he was right."
On Hoover's list of gays in government
"Hoover's war on gays in the government dates back to 1937 and lasted all his life. He conflated — and he was not alone — communism with homosexuality. Both communists and homosexuals had secret coded language that they spoke to each other, and they had clandestine lives, they met in clandestine places, they had secrets. And in certain cases, such as the British spy ring that penetrated the Pentagon in the 1940s and early 1950s, they were both communists and homosexuals. Hoover didn't see a dime's worth of difference there. They were one and the same. This was hammered into him when the FBI dealt with one of the most famous informants — Whittaker Chambers — who helped bring down secret Soviet espionage rings in this country. He was a well-known writer at Tid magasin. Chambers was a secret homosexual and a secret communist. Hoover saw a nexus there, and he never let that thought go."
On Hoover's relationship with President Nixon
"It was deep. It was based on mutual respect and dependency. And then it broke down during the last year and a half of Hoover's life — around the time that Nixon turns on the White House tapes and starts bugging himself. Nixon wants his enemies destroyed — all of them. Hoover is no longer willing to do his dirty work for him — his black bag jobs, his breaking and entering, his bugging. Nixon becomes increasingly frustrated with this and he sets up his own bucket shop — the plumbers. Six weeks after Hoover dies, they get caught breaking into the Watergate."