Hvordan er Catalonien endt med at være så nationalistisk?

Hvordan er Catalonien endt med at være så nationalistisk?

Jeg mener, jeg kan ikke forstå, hvordan separatiststemningen er steget så meget på bare lidt mere end 40 år (i betragtning af at da Franco døde, eksisterede nationalismen, men ikke i nærheden af, hvor den nu er intens). Jeg tror, ​​at et par nyheder, der viser, hvor langt dette er gået, er denne eller denne eller denne.

Hvad er hovedårsagerne til, at det er gået så langt i betragtning af begivenheder fra de 40 år?


Kort svar: Den seneste opblussen er den seneste af mange, der har fundet sted i løbet af århundreder.

Flere detaljer findes i denne wiki -artikel om Catalonien. Men grundlæggende var Catalonien altid den "ikke-almindelige del af Spanien. Det dannede hjertet i kongeriget Aragon, som blev forenet med resten af ​​Spanien (Castilla) ved ægteskab med Ferdinand af Aragon og Isabella af Castilla. parret "officielt" styrede Spanien "i fællesskab", de blev faktisk styret hver for sig af de to herskere og deres respektive stabe.

Catalonien gjorde oprør i 1640 sammen med Portugal, der vandt sin uafhængighed fra Castilla. Spanien genoprettede knap Catalonien, fordi alternativet var endnu mindre velsmagende fransk styre. Catalonien gjorde igen oprør mod franskkontrollerede Spanien under den spanske arvekrig og ved mere end én lejlighed i det nittende århundrede. Endelig var Catalonien hjertet på den "republikanske" side af den spanske borgerkrig; det meste af "Castilien" nord og vest for Madrid støttede Franco.

Bottom line: Catalonien følte sig altid som en anden, næsten "separat" del af Spanien, selvom det teknisk set var under spansk styre.


et svar fra en for det meste neutral, catalansk født borger.

TL; DR:

Catalonien lider ikke af en stigning i nationalisme, men af ​​neo-autonomisme / pro-uafhængighed, hovedsageligt på grund af tab af borgerrettigheder, økonomisk magt og, eller mere korrekt, den endelige og yderste forståelse af, at disse rettigheder og magt aldrig var der i første omgang.

Ved at se på fortiden og de forklarede årsager kan vi få en hurtig liste over "hvad der har fået folk til at ville stemme JA", i stedet for "hvad der har skubbet folk til at være nationalister":

  • Catalanske partier presser på for uafhængighed (siden 2012)
  • Den spanske regerings handlinger modstår ikke det catalanske parlaments vilje
  • Den catalanske og spanske regerings manglende evne til at bekæmpe den økonomiske krise i 2007 og 2009.
  • Individers og sociale bevægelsers handlinger mod en folkeafstemning / uafhængighed.
  • Stræben efter et bedre, mere socialt land styrede uden grænserne for at være en lille del af en meget anderledes helhed.
  • Det populære parti har vundet i Spanien ubetinget siden 2011, selvom det havde mere end 300 åbne korruptionssager.

Civilbevægelsen opløses, så snart en gyldig juridisk folkeafstemning er gennemført, og en af ​​begge sider vinder med et godt (> 55%) resultat, fordi ingen af ​​siderne har en stærk nationalistisk kerne.

Rediger: 28. august, 2017 Jeg har samlet en eksempelliste over ikke-centrale lovændringer, der er tilbagekaldt af den spanske regering, for at vise de store forskelle på dem og for at vise irrationaliteten bag tilbagekaldelsen, undtagen i to (pro-uafhængige) sager.

Lov om audiovisuelle spørgsmål (2/2012)

Lovdekret for åbningstider (4/2012, 2/2014)

Lovdekret om skatter til banker (5/2012)

Lovdekret mod energifattigdom (6/2013)

Lov, der følger med budgetter (2/2014)

Lov om populære konsultationer, ikke referendum (10/2014)

Ombudsmandens lov (2008, afgørelse 3/2015)

Lov om udenlandsk handling (3/2015)

Kommissær for den nationale overgang (4/2015)

Pris for internetoperatører (9/2015)

Forbrugerkodeks i Catalonien (10/2015)

Reform af handelsloven i Catalonien (10/2015)

Cataloniens skatteorgan (9/2015 - 11/2015)

Parlamentarisk uafhængighedserklæring (11/2015)

Studiegruppe Studiekommission (2/2016)

Udenrigsministeriet (2/2016)

Lovdekret mod energifattigdom (4/2016)

Lov om afgifter på tomme boliger (4/2016)

Lov om lokale myndigheder (4/2016)

Lov om effektiv ligestilling mellem mænd og kvinder (4/2016)

Lov om fracking forbud (3/2012, 4/2016)

Lov om forbud mod store områder uden for byer (4/2016)

Lov om skatteoprettelse til produktion af atomkraft

Lov, der tillod oprettelse af Medinyà som en ny kommune adskilt fra Sant Julià de Ramis (8/2015)

Nødboliglovgivning eller mod fraflytning (24/2015)

Langt svar

Grundlaget for den nuværende catalanske nationalist (catalanisme) og catalanske uafhængige bevægelser er stærkt bundet til fortiden i denne 8 millioner citiziens -region i Spanien.

For virkelig at forstå problemets rødder skal vi først analysere den politiske, administrative og sociale struktur for kronen i Aragonien indtil 1714, da den lovligt blev fjernet til Spanien.

Historisk baggrund, del I, XV til XVIII

Jeg vil ikke gå ind i detaljer for at forklare historien før det 15. århundrede, det er ikke nødvendigt.

På dette tidspunkt har vi i begyndelsen af ​​1400 -tallet en krone af Aragonien, en stor klat af kongeriger, prinsesser, hertugdømmer og amter på tværs af hele Middelhavet, fra den nederste del af Murcia til kysterne i Neopatria (Grækenland).

Dette "imperium", som det er dannet, har haft tre kerneområder siden afslutningen på krigen med to konger, kongeriget Aragon, kongeriget Valencia, kongeriget Mallorca og fyrstendømmet Catalonien. Disse områder deler alle et fælles træk: de styres lige af adelsmændene, kirken og rigmændene i en eller anden form for parlamentarisk system, der udarbejder forfatninger, der senere godkendes (eller ej) af kongen.

Hver borger i hver af disse regioner har iboende rettigheder ved at være sådan, for eksempel kan en borger fra Valencia ikke samles som afgift, hvis domstolene i Valencia ikke har sagt det, og det er domstolene (eller sælger cent i catalonia), der dikterer skatter, tilskud osv. ... som en borger skal betale eller opkræve.

I mellemtiden var kongeriget castille langt mere feudalt og havde en mere centralistisk ide om, hvordan regioner skulle styres.

Med død af det sidste medlem af huset i barcelona, ​​Martin Ist the Human, døde dinastien af ​​Alphonse. Dette startede en periode med uro og borgerkrige, der endte med Ferdinand, en meget karismatisk og stærkt hængende konge, der giftede sig med Isabel fra Castilla.

Ægteskabet var ikke særlig overbevisende i starten, men adgangen til mineral- og handelsressourcer blev set som meget rentabel af købmændene i Valencia og Catalonien, der så et åbent og få udnyttet marked.

På dette tidspunkt i historien er det klart mærkbart et politisk sammenstød mellem kulturer, der ikke gik nogen steder længere, da hver Trastamara -dinastikonge accepterede den forskellige regions love og forfatninger eller hurtigt fjernede opositorer uden store blodbad.

Den habsburgske dinasti

Denne dinasti regerede fra første halvdel af 1500-tallet til år 1700. De var generelt en meget konservativ, men åben dinasti, der kom fra et valgfri imperium, de ikke var ukendte for pseudo-parlamentariske systemer, og havde ikke store problemer med kulturen og sproget i de to regioners forskellige regioner. Indtil Phillip IV.

Phillip IV var ikke en dårlig konge, men efterlod sig en næsten udtømt skatkammer, et forfaldende imperium og en uciviliseret hær, kun en skygge af Tercios, som hans bedstefar Phillip II rejste, og en endnu mindre flåde.

Den kongelige rådgiver Conde Duque de Olivares, ved navn Gaspar de Guzmán, var vicekonge i Catalonien og en meget konservativ og centralistisk politiker. Han blev kendt som en stor diplomat og strateg, men følte en stor respektløshed og had til det catalanske og portugisiske folk, som betragtede som ringere. Der er sange og historier fra det 17. århundrede, der fortæller, hvordan den berygtede rådgiver, der kun rivaliseredes på det tidspunkt af kardinal Richeleu, en anden "lille engel / engel" (katalansk udtryk normalt sarkastisk henviser til en persons onde vilje) fra den 17. århundrede, overbeviste kongen om at ignorere Portugals (og cataloniens og valencias) love og forfatninger, der tydeligt angav, at en borger i disse regioner hverken kunne samles om opkrævning af kongen uden domstols godkendelse, og hverken ham skulle sigtes for vedligeholdelse af en soldat i sit hjem, og hverken ham blev tvunget til at brødføde den soldat.

Alligevel tvang greven borgerne til at gøre det i løbet af de sidste år af 80 års krigen, hvilket fremkaldte en fremtrædende antikron og antikastilliansk bevægelse på tværs af befolkningen i disse områder. i 1635 havde både Catalonien og Portugal startet mange borgeroprør, der endte i en borgerkrig med støtte fra Frankrig, og ved slutningen af ​​krigen besluttede Phillip at kræve fred med Frankrig i bytte for Rousillon og befrielsen (de iure, det var allerede de facto uafhængigt af Portugal.

Tabet af Rousillon, en temmelig værdsat region, blev opfattet som forræderi af de loyalistiske catalanere og som en skændighedsakt fra Frankrigs og Spaniens side af oprørskatalanerne. så stort set alle der ikke boede dybt i pyrinæerne var sure.

Og så uventet blev Arving efter Phillip, Charles IInd, kronet til konge, selvom han uden tvivl var syg af sind og krop, han blev født med næsten alle mulige indavlede egenskaber, lisper, dårlige fødder, fuldstændig ufrugtbar ... og så han døde i 1700.

Der er mange konspirationsteorier, som Castilla og Aragons krone tilhørte, men vi vælger den "officielle" historie for nu.

Den spanske successionskrig

I begyndelsen af ​​1700 -tallet var Catalonien en rig og velstående erhvervsdrivende og producent (våben, spiritus, pakkede amerikanske dagligvarer, ris, vin, olie, hvede ...) og politisk set temmelig avanceret til sin tid, der matchede englands parlamentariske parlament system ved at få både et parlament (consell de cent), et senat (Junta de braços) og en fuldt drevet regering (diputació del general) forbedret gennem årene med habsburg -dinastyret.

Alt dette selvstyre kom dog i vidt omfang i konflikt med Phillips Vth-idé om, hvordan en stat skulle styres, idet han var Louis XIVs barnebarn, bidrog ikke til at undgå uro.

I 1701 blev Charles, ærkehertug i Østrig, udråbt til konge i Spanien (castille og aragon), og i 1702 havde halvdelen af ​​verden tilsluttet sig hans sag (mest for at pisse bedsteforældren til Phillip V og få fat i nogle lande og handle fra ham, selvom , ridderlighed var længe død.) Phillip på det tidspunkt blev set neutralt fra Catalonien, som Charles. Det var begivenhederne, der gav succes under sit besøg i Catalonien (Han ville ikke bøje sig og godkende forfængelserne, og blev foruroliget over, at konsulenten ikke ønskede at give ham en pris for at blive gift, selvom de senere gjorde det), og stort set det samme skete på hans besøg i Aragonien og Valencia.

I 1704 sluttede catalanske og valenciske eks -embedsmænd fra Habsurg -hæren, der var trukket sig tilbage fra tjenesten, med det engelske angreb sammen med deres mænd på Gibraltar og landede i den catalanske bugt (nå, det havde ikke det navn før landingen, men jeg gør ikke ' kender ikke fortidsnavnet.). Dette var en af ​​de mange små aktioner, der endte i proklamationen af ​​Charles III som konge af spanierne i barcelona i 1706, og hele den spanske successionskrig.

I 1713 var krigen en smule (Charles havde taget madrid to gange allerede, men Frankrigs forstærkninger vendte bordet) tabte på Habsburg -siden, og England indgik en fredsaftale, så snart toryerne fik fat i regeringen.

Men den catalanske junta de Braços, militærets styrende kerne, besluttede at blive ved med at kæmpe i Charles navn, fordi de stod over for fuldstændigt tab af deres konstutioner og blev absorberet i castille.

Krigen sluttede, før den engelske pigregering i 1714 kunne sende en forstærkende hær den 11. september, Mallorca blev ved med at modstå indtil begyndelsen af ​​1715, og hver krone i Aragons territorium mistede sine love og forfatninger (Furs, Fueros).

Catalansk blev forbudt fra lov, gejstlig eller administrativ brug, og Phillips rådgivere beordrede, at territoriet langsomt blev befolket (det havde mistet mere end 30% af dets befolkning) af eks-soldater for at reducere chancen for fulturo (hvis du kan ikke vinde dem, gift dig med dem).

XVII til XIX

Det fungerede stort set på de mere industrielle byer, for det meste Barcelona, ​​men i landdistrikterne blev folk ved med at tale og tale katalansk (til det punkt, at rige adelsmænd måtte bede om en oversætter til at modtage de hellige olier, før de døde). Produktionen af ​​spiritus og våben, Cataloniens vigtigste eksport, var forbudt indtil Charles IV's sidste dage, og det hjalp med at de landmænd og rigmænd i landdistrikterne havde en rivaliseringsfølelse over for Bourbon -dinastien.

I slutningen af ​​1800 -tallet skete der imidlertid (ligesom i næsten alle dele af Europa) en stigning i de nationalistiske bevægelser, og de gamle legender og fortællinger blev omskrevet og sproget registreret i de første ordbøger.

La Renaixença

Denne periode var den længste og mest radikale kulturelle bevægelse, Spanien levede i det 19. århundrede, og den oplevede en stor stigning i idenditær poesi, litteratur, arkitektur (Gaudí nogen?), Fjederhandlinger osv ...

Dette kan erklæres at være hovedkilden til moderne catalanisme, men ingen var klart uafhængig endnu.

Her blev de første politiske partier, der var tilhængere af pelsenes opløsning, født, og de første "pan-spanske" føderationsideer blev udformet.

Pre -republikanske år

Der er mange øjeblikke mellem tabet af Cuba og den spanske republik, hvor politiske bevægelser til fordel for mere autonomi fik stor berømmelse, såsom Mancomunitat catalana, den pan-spanske føderation og de virkelig uafhængige bevægelser ved Estat Catalàs hånd og Esquerra Republicana.

I 1926 forberedte Francesc Macià, grundlæggeren af ​​estat català et statskup fra pyrinæerne for at afslutte diktaturet primo de rivera, men mislykkedes, selv når det blev hjulpet af anarkister og kommunister, der senere blev mere kendt.

Diktaturet primo de Rivera oplevede lidt undertrykkelse for Catalonien, mest på den politiske side, idet partimedlemmer blev tilbageholdt og henrettet eller udvist fra landet.

Den spanske republik

De vigtigste begivenheder i den spanske republik relateret til de uafhængige bevægelser var bemærkelsesværdigt store:

Proklamationen af ​​en uafhængig catalansk republik, der er forbundet i en pan-spansk folketælling af stater, der blev standset efter nogle dage af hæren, men så genindførelsen af ​​selvautonomi på Azañas sejr.

Sejren for Esquerra Republicana og Estat Català ved folketingsvalget i 1936, der markerede et statistisk ikke-retur punkt på catalansk politik, såvel som andre partier begyndte at miste opbakning.

Militæret mislykkedes kup, og borgerkrigen startede, hvor regeringen i Catalonien stod på den spanske republiks side og forsvarede sig i de sidste dage.

Efterkrig

ja, jeg springer krigen over. Mange mennesker døde, rebelsiden vandt, de henrettede mange pro-republikanske mennesker, da krigen sluttede, og der mangler stadig 350.000 mennesker, begravet i massive gruber.

Efterkrigstiden i Spanien sluttede faktisk først i slutningen af ​​70'erne, men de første år var de mest rå.

Min familie så nogle medlemmer tilbageholdt for at være eks-officerer i den republikanske hær, men boede i en lille by på det tidspunkt, havde ikke så mange problemer som dem, der boede i Barcelona.

En af de ting, jeg altid vil huske, er, hvad min bedstemor fortalte mig om Francos besøg. på det tidspunkt, 1940'erne, havde alle rationeringskort, og åh overraskelse, den måned, som franco måtte besøge Barcelona, ​​var kortgivende borde placeret i nærheden af ​​Diagional, hele månedens rationeringskort for alle familiemedlemmer, betjente så på som mængden "klappede", og hvis nogen ikke var begejstret nok, ja, ingen mad den måned.

Selvfølgelig var der meget mere undertrykkelse end det. den autonome regering blev opløst, præsident Lluis Companys og mange parlamentsmedlemmer henrettet, sproget fuldstændigt forbudt, og det var først i 1950'erne, at kulturelle udtryk som menneskelige slotte og "sardaner" blev accepteret, kun de mest folkloristiske og mindre reivinkative dem, selvfølgelig.

I 1970'erne var catalansk stadig forbudt og uoplært, befolkningen i Catalonien var skiftet på grund af interne migrationer, men overraskende hjalp disse migration med at bevare den kultur, fordi tilflytterne (eller i det mindste en stor procent af dem) var meget interesseret i at lære og acceptere som deres den nye kultur.

Man kan sige, at det var takket være alle de mennesker, der kom fra det sydvestlige Spanien, at catalansk og mange katalanske traditioner overlevede.

Disse mennesker blev selvfølgelig latterliggjort af deres egen familie og blev kaldt "Xarnegos", fordi de talte halvdelen af ​​hvert sprog på samme tid. Catalanerne blev kaldt "Polacos", med henvisning til det polske folk, der blev undertrykt af nazisterne under anden verdenskrig, så begge blev behandlet som 2. klasses borgere. Ikke alle selvfølgelig, de fleste af de rige familier stod på regimets side, som Samaranchens eller Rocas, nogle bare for fortjeneste og nogle for ideologi.

Demokrati (?)

I 1983 var Franco død, Spanien havde sin første forfatning, Catalonien havde genvundet deres republikanske estatuts (forfatninger, pelse), der havde været endnu et kup (mislykkedes, men Erdogan -stil, nogle siger), og CIU havde vundet det catalanske valg. Deres milde katalanisme og deres lille handelsstøtte hjalp dem med at bevare regeringen i 23 år, og nogle af deres projekter fungerer stadig og roses, selv om alle har modstandere.

** 1 - Sproglig nedsænkning **

Dette projekt søgte at genvinde den normative brug af catalansk af citiziens ved at oprette en catalansk sprog- og litteraturklasse og lave (troede det er helt efter lærernes vilje selv i dag) hver anden klasse "hovedsageligt på catalansk", så hver elev havde mindst dobbelt undervisningstid på catalansk end på castilliansk. Ideen bag dette projekt var at beskytte sproget, der allerede faldt, og hurtigt lære det til de nye generationer. EN

Da Televion, Radio, Biograf, Aviser og næsten alle medier var på spansk, forsøgte denne edikt at etablere en slags sproglig paritet.

** 2 - Det catalanske offentlige radio -tv **

Født i 80'erne fører både Tv3 og catalunya radio de fleste ratings i politisk flerhed i Spanien, selvom de på det seneste kritiseres for at blive brugt i stor udstrækning som megafon for demonstrationerne udført af den uafhængige bevægelse, pluralitet og sandhed er et "husstempel".

** 3 - Paktisten / paktismen **

Normalt kendt som "la puta i la ramoneta" (horen og bedstemor) og "peix al cove" (fisk i hånden), denne måde at drive politik på, mest ved at lave små aftaler over en lang række emner med lige så mange partier som muligt for at få alle de mulige og tænkelige politiske opbakninger har altid været set som noget forræderisk over for ideologi, men meget pragmatisk og har rodfæstet sig i parlamentet til det punkt, at det ikke er mærkeligt at se ekstreme venstre- og konservative højrepartier, der let når dødvande og beslutter et midtpunkt uden viscerale konfrontationer på timer lange (som nogle gange er sket i england).

2006-2010

Det er år 2006. Catalonien har næsten hvert år de højeste karakterer på spansk, det er den 3. mest produktive region med over 24% af BNP, har kun 16% af landets befolkning og er i gang med at skrive en ny autonomi Statue, og den uafhængige bevægelse er knap, med mindre end 12% opbakning.

Den uafhængige bevægelse er imod denne nye statue indtil sidste øjeblik, fordi den ikke tvinger Spanien til at acceptere mere end det, der allerede har, og endelig er det næste forord inkluderet for at få deres støtte eller afholdenhed:

Catalonien er en nation, der er en del af Spaniens plurinationale stat, og dens hovedmål er at omfavne, styrke og øge de føderale, demokratiske og sociale aspekter, der er i overensstemmelse med den.

Det forord var en tærte over for de konservative spanske partier.

grafisk beskrivelse

Det populære parti hentede over 3 millioner underskrifter af borgere for at stoppe Estatut fra at blive godkendt, hvilket forårsagede store uroligheder i Catalonien, da det var første gang siden demokratiet, at et spansk parti offentligt stillede sig imod viljen fra de fleste catalanere til valgformål.

PP tvang en afstemning, tabte den og brugte til sidst sin magt på senatet til at placere statutten på forfatningsdomstolen. (Forfatningsdomstolen er en politisk domstol valgt af senatets hovedpartier, magtadskillelse: ingen).

2010

Og så ramte lortet fanen.

Forfatningsdomstolen fjernede kerneartiklerne i Estatut, fjernede rettigheder, der allerede blev godkendt af dem i 1980'erne, og endte med at være næsten lige så mangelfuld som den (1980'ernes statut).

Alle de politiske partier i Catalonien undtagen PP skammede sig og organiserede den første demonstration med over 500.000 deltagere.

På dette tidspunkt var demonstrationen langt fra en uafhængig bevægelse, men den startede en enorm række demonstrationer og en kampagne for at forfølge en ny statut af CIU, partiet i oppositionen på det tidspunkt.

slutningen af ​​2010

Valget samme år vandt CIU med over 40% stemmer og et anti-uafhængigt, men pro-estatut og katalanistisk program, der havde til formål at genoprette de nyligt tabte rettigheder. det var en meget grov styre, der hovedsageligt blev identificeret ved skatter og sociale nedskæringer. ERC mistede mange stemmer, PSC og IU faldt mange pladser på grund af deres manglende magt i deres respektive nationale (spanien) partier.

I løbet af 2009, 2010, 2011 og 2012 blev der afholdt forskellige ikke-bindende, samfundsdrevne folkeafstemninger om Catalonias uafhængighed i mange byer og landsbyer. den gennemsnitlige deltagelsesrate var 22%, og resultaterne var af over 90% af dem, der var tilhængere af den.

2011

2011 var et uroligt år, hvor PP vandt med stort flertal det spanske valg, reducerede de sociale udgifter og tvang autonome samfund om, hvordan de skulle opføre sig. hele året var et rod som følge heraf, og den uafhængige bevægelse begyndte at opstå, så snart befolkningen bemærkede, at CIU ikke var i stand til at negere en ny statue eller en ny økonomisk pagt med den spanske regering.

På dette tidspunkt var den uafhængige bevægelse knap 20%.

2012

Stigningen af ​​uafhængighed startede tidligt samme år, hvor ANC (National Catalan Assembly) blev født som et resultat af en social, upolitisk enhed skabt til at fremme uafhængighedsbevægelsen,

I 2012 blev endnu flere dele af estatut skåret ned af den spanske regering og forfatningsdomstolen, uafhængigheden steg til 30%, og den første store demonstration med over 750.000 deltagere skete den 11. september:

Den catalanske sammenslutning af byer for uafhængighed (AMI) blev født tidligt samme år, og på demonstrationsdagen havde den allerede 80% af de catalanske landsbyer, byer og byer som medlemmer.

Denne demonstration fremkaldte nye valg, og CIU (pro -folkeafstemning, anti -uafhængighed på det tidspunkt), ERC og CUP (pro -folkeafstemning og pro -uafhængighed) vandt med over 60% af stemmerne og startede uafhængighedsprocessen, som vi kender den.

Siden da har hvert år en ny demonstration tiltrukket flere og flere borgere, for hvert år er flere artikler i stataten og flere love udstedt af parlamentet blevet annulleret, til det punkt, at kun 1 ud af nogensinde 5 love, der blev vedtaget af parlamentet overlever en måned.

demonstrationer:

2013

440 km menneskelig kæde med over 1Mil deltagere, der fremkalder den baltiske menneskekæde.

2014

2014 oplevede Via catalana 2014, også kendt som V, i centrum af Barcelona, ​​over 2 millioner deltagere.

Den uafhængige bevægelse var 45%.

2015

2015 oplevede en dødvande på uafhængighed stigende, og den stoppede med knap 48%.

Junts pel Si -partiet blev født som en fusion af ERC og CIU for at forfølge uafhængighed, der var nogle indre kampe mellem dem og CUP (yderste venstre), og alligevel kom demonstrationen igen over 2 millioner deltagere.

I DAG

For første gang i historien har uafhængighed mere end 50% støtte.

Hvad er årsagerne til det?

Ved at se på fortiden og de forklarede årsager, kan vi få en hurtig liste til at køre:

  • Catalanske partier presser på for uafhængighed (siden 2012)
  • Den spanske regerings handlinger modstår ikke det catalanske parlaments vilje
  • Den catalanske og spanske regerings manglende evne til at bekæmpe 2007 og 2009 økonomiske skrig.
  • Individers og sociale bevægelsers handlinger mod en folkeafstemning / uafhængighed.
  • Stræben efter et bedre, mere socialt land styrede uden grænserne for at være en lille del af en meget anderledes helhed.
  • Det populære parti har vundet i Spanien ubetinget siden 2011, selvom det havde mere end 300 åbne korruptionssager.

resultaterne af det spanske folketingsvalg 2016

Som sagt, det er min ydmyge mening. Jeg er pro-uafhængig, men ikke nationalist, jeg foretrækker virkelig at være en føderal stat, men det er umuligt lige nu med PP-kendelsen.

EDIT: 19/06/2017

Der vil blive afholdt en folkeafstemning den 1. oktober, og meningsmålingerne giver en stor procentdel til ja, medmindre nej mobiliserer.

Grøn: ja. Rød: Nej. Pink: blank/null. Grå: ukendt, deltager ikke, vil ikke sige.

Grønne nuancer: vil gå til afstemning. Røde nuancer: går ikke til afstemning. Grå: ukendt, vil ikke sige.

Stem hensigt efter partitilknytning:

Rediger: 28. august 2017 Jeg har samlet en eksempelliste over ikke-centrale lovændringer, der er tilbagekaldt af den spanske regering, for at vise de store forskelle på dem og for at vise irrationaliteten bag tilbagekaldelsen, undtagen i to (pro-uafhængige) sager.

Lov om audiovisuelle spørgsmål (2/2012)

Lovdekret for åbningstider (4/2012, 2/2014)

Lovdekret om skatter til banker (5/2012)

Lovdekret mod energifattigdom (6/2013)

Lov, der følger med budgetter (2/2014)

Lov om populære konsultationer, ikke referendum (10/2014)

Ombudsmandens lov (2008, afgørelse 3/2015)

Lov om udenlandsk handling (3/2015)

Kommissær for den nationale overgang (4/2015)

Pris for internetoperatører (9/2015)

Forbrugerkodeks i Catalonien (10/2015)

Reform af handelsloven i Catalonien (10/2015)

Cataloniens skatteorgan (9/2015 - 11/2015)

Parlamentarisk uafhængighedserklæring (11/2015)

Studiegruppe Studiekommission (2/2016)

Udenrigsministeriet (2/2016)

Lovdekret mod energifattigdom (4/2016)

Lov om afgifter på tomme boliger (4/2016)

Lov om lokale myndigheder (4/2016)

Lov om effektiv ligestilling mellem mænd og kvinder (4/2016)

Lov om fracking forbud (3/2012, 4/2016)

Lov om forbud mod store områder uden for byer (4/2016)

Lov om skatteoprettelse til produktion af atomkraft

Lov, der tillod oprettelse af Medinyà som en ny kommune adskilt fra Sant Julià de Ramis (8/2015)

Nødboliglovgivning eller mod fraflytning (24/2015)


Der er tre hovedfaktorer for stigningen i den catalanske nationalisme:

1 - Social teknik.

I årevis har nationalistiske partier kontrolleret uddannelsen og siden 1998 etableret et monolingvistisk system i skolen kaldet "Inmersió", hvor der kun bruges catalansk sprog. Det handler dog ikke kun om sproget, da de har brugt skolen til at "konstruere nationen" (på catalansk - "fer pais").

Eksempel: Min 12 årige niece, skolet i Barcelona, ​​ved ikke, hvem der var Perikles, Sokrates, Platon eller Aristoteles, men hun er velbevandret i, hvor meget Alfonso XIII, Primo de Rivera og Franco hadede Catalonien.

Social engineering slutter ikke på skolen og når næsten hele civilsamfundet i Catalonien takket være de generøse udgifter til offentlige penge, den catalanske regering ("Generalitat") har gjort: Alle katalanske aviser og medier er stærkt subsidierede, så længe de bevare et partisk synspunkt om den katalanske uafhængighedsproces, kendt i Catalonien som "el procés".

2. Økonomisk krise.

Dette punkt behøver ikke meget forklaring. Folk stemmer ikke særlig godt, når de er vrede, og det sker i Catalonien og i resten af ​​Spanien og Europa, hvor populistiske partier har blomstret op efter den økonomiske krise.

3. Spaniens laissez faire.

I mange år var katalanske partier, især CiU (Convergencia i Unió) nyttige for de to største nationale partier: PP og PSOE.

CiU gav støtte i Madrid i bytte af indrømmelser i Catalonien. Ex-præsident Zapatero har fået skylden for dette, men den største af disse indrømmelser blev gjort af eks-præsident Aznar, ironisk nok en figur, der var mest hadet af catalanske separatister.

CiU -støtte fik også den spanske regering til at vende det blinde øje til de mange korruptionsskandaler i Catalonien, de fleste relateret til Jordi Pujol, catalansk præsident i 23 år og far til "Inmersió" og "fer pais".


I øvrigt linkede du i dit spørgsmål en undersøgelse foretaget af Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió (CEO), ledet af Jordi Argelaguet Argemí, eks-medlem af MDT (Movement per la Defensa de la Terra), en catalansk terrorgruppe .

Tal om ulven, der vogter fårene!


Den store ændring i Catalonien har været catalansk nationalistisk parti. Catalansk nationalistisk parti som et moderat og regionalistisk parti var altid det første i regionen normalt med et venskab med PP eller PSOE i lang tid.

Da den økonomiske krise ramte Spanien og også Catalonien. Det catalanske nationalistiske parti har næsten den populære opbakning fra de 40% catalanere (catalanske 2010 -afsnit). I antal var det hegemoniske parti af catalanerne. Regionalistisk og liberal. Blev opfattet som det bedste parti til at bekæmpe krisen. Styrende med støtte fra PP.

Valg 2012 (to år efter). Med det umulige at blive enige om nogen økonomisk og økonomisk reform med sin partner PP. De ændrede partneren fra spansk PP til catalansk separatistparti ERC. Provocking selv en spændinger i sin egen koalition. Resultater: Det catalanske nationalistiske parti modtog en støtte på 31% af den catalanske støtte.

Valg 2015 (tre år senere). Efter den catalanske nationalistiske koalitions sammenbrud i to. Den ene del CDC besluttede at lave en pro-separatistisk koalition med ERC, mens den anden del UCD besluttede at præsentere alene. Resultater: Separatistisk koalition opnåede 39,5% af støtten og mistede 5% af den populære støtte. UCD forsvandt, men spanske liberale modtog næsten 18% af den populære opbakning (særlig stigning). CDC blev også påvirket af korruptionsskandaler. For at regere for Separatistisk koalition besluttede at finde minoritetspartiet CUP (et delt parti for at støtte dem).

Meningsmålinger august 2017:

CDC (catalansk moderat nationalisme): 13,9% (på 5 år straffet næsten 17 point)

ERC (Det originale Separatistparti): 23,9% (det mest fordelagtige parti i Separatistisk politik i 5 år mere end 10 point.)

Cs (spanske liberale): 17,5% (det spanske parti med størst fordel i 5 år 10 point mere)

PSOE (spansk labourism): 13,9% (På fem år tabte de 1 point)

Podemos (spanske kommunister): 12,1 % (stigning på 3 point på fem år)

PP (spansk konservatisme): 9,5% (På fem år tabte de 3 point)

CUP (Catalanske kommunisters separatistparti: 6,5% (På fem år øger de 3 point)

disse er et reelt resultat.


Som jeg sagde før, var altid med økonomisk krise. Catalonien var og er en af ​​de mest industrialiserede region. Inden bourbons kom til Spanien var et decentraliseret land. Et slags rige.

Ferdinand og Isabela sluttede sig til ét kongerige, men hvert kongerige havde deres eget "cortes" eller "parlament".

When spain had crisis after 80 years war the catalans rised because of they felt that they were given too much to the finance the wars in exchange of nothing.

Bourbons centralised the country and unified the spanish treasury abolishing the Aragon parliament. The catalans, Aragons and Valencians lost their privilegies.

In spite of catalan claims of recovering not arrived until the end of XIX due to strong investing in the textile industry in catalonia.

After, the Spanish-American war with very unstable governments the catalan nationalism surged asking for autonomy. I mean when Spain was weak they took advantage of the situation to claim their ancient status. However, the two main parties of the new constitutional monarchy decided not to accept any of their demands.

With the catalan moderate party ignored in the second republic (1931) surged a new movement, the separatism. Extremely weak in Basque Country but strong in catalonia.

"If you ignore the moderate ones the radicals appears". However, in that moment, the separatism governed with Spanish left favoured to the federalism while they hated spanish conservatives.

When Franco arrived to the power the problem was not sort out was even worsen because in the basque country the separatism took force.

With the new constitutional monarchy, the catalans chose the catalan moderate party ( they gave a chance to the spanish monarchy). At the first moment, was good. The spanish prime minister, Adolfo suarez, was really open mind to give the autonomy even he said why they didnt ask more more or less the same status of the basque country but the catalan moderate party rejected.

After decades of long consensus policy with Spanish party a new economical crisis appeared. So the catalan moderate party decided to ask the spanish prime minister to agree the same status of the basque country. The reason is that they will fight crisis more effectively. However, the prime minister rejected.

That is all. Economical crisis.


The real truth is different. The key was The catalan moderate party friend of spanish conservatives during decades. After the catalan president didnt achieve the "fiscal pact" with Spanish prime minister, a negotiation of 30 minutos saying "or you give me that or he menaced with consecuences".

After his failure and the appearence of corruption scandals in his party he decided to change the policy of decades. A policy that breakdown his party and the lost of the support of nearly half of his popular vote he decided to go ahead for a referendum agreeing with separatist parties. For separaties parties was their great chance, an agenda that was isolated during decades has the light now.

First, they fostered a big great pro-separatist propaganda on catalan TVs, schools, universities etc… the most incredible thing is that all was financed by spain because they are unsolvent region with the most debt of spanish regions. Is the same as greece against germany. However, after the impossibility of the make an official referendum they decided for a catalan elections as the last chance.

The results were even worst because the famous official coalition lost his absolute majority and the leader of the opposition was the liberal spanish party something unique in all spanish history. The catalan moderate party punished again by his own catalan people.

In order to maintein the policy they decided to ally with another smaller separatist but was very radical communist party. After a very difficult negotiation they achieved a government but the catalan moderate party was the main punished party again forcing its leader to withdraw because, the communist dont like a conservative leader united with neoliberal policy with corruption scandals. The chosen leader was an unknown mayor of northern city of catalonia.

Now the defy against spanish government and the half of catalan parlament still continuous.

In my opinion, the real guilty of this situation is the catalan moderate party because has carried a risk and illegal way making a big problem in catalonia.

In recent opinion polls says that only 29% of the catalans support the catalan government. The rest, the great majority, prefers basque nationalist party via. A deep economical and financial agreement.

Is amazing, how a political party can make so much trouble to a region making a big sacrifice.


How has Catalonia ended up being so nationalist? - Historie

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Catalonian referendum has decades of yearning behind it, but is it even legal?

On October 1, 2017, the second referendum in three years to vote for an independent Catalonia, a region with unique history, culture and language in the northeastern part of Spain, was undertaken. Despite a low turnout, reports have hinted at almost 90 per cent of the votes going in for a "yes", dashing Spain's hope that it wouldn't see a Brexit moment by carefully upholding the Constitution, and overdoing the policing.

But the referendum , the actual results of which will be declared on Sunday, might drastically alter the course of history, perhaps giving a decisive push towards an independent Catalonia.

There's humungous confusion and reports of violent clashes between the Spanish police and the Catalan separatists, with images of bloodied protesters flooding the internet. Has the government of Spanish prime minister Mariano Rajoy acted in a high-handed manner, or was it simply trying to prevent what it has deemed an "illegal referendum", along with the Spanish Constitutional Court?

Voy a comparecer en el @Congreso_Es y convocaré a las fuerzas políticas para reflexionar sobre un futuro que tenemos que afrontar juntos pic.twitter.com/Y4mSnEjAWB

&mdash Mariano Rajoy Brey (@marianorajoy) October 1, 2017

Spanish prime minister Mariano Rajoy ordered police crackdown against Catalan separatists. Reuters

The ground reality refuses to cater to any black and white analysis, given the deep fissures within Spain and the decades of yearning for an independent, and not just an autonomous Catalonia, fomenting the crisis.

Brief history of Catalonian nationalism

Catalonia became a part of Spain in the late 15th century, when the modern borders of the then kingdom were determined, though it maintained its own laws and customs. Through the 17th century, a number of wars were fought, and Catalonians also revolted to seek independence, but were crushed. The autonomy of the Crown of Aragon, and Catalonia, ended on September 11, 1714, when Barcelona surrendered to the Bourbon force, leading to the Nueva Planta decrees, which led to the centralisation of Spanish rule, custom and laws on the entire region.

Protesters gather at Madrid's Puerta del Sol in support of Catalans' right to decide to vote #CatalanReferedendum pic.twitter.com/6S5MyQuRs6

&mdash Sara Houlison (@SaraHoulison) October 1, 2017

While the 19th century saw Catalonian cultural renaissance, this led to political parties of the Catalan kind gaining ground. While Catalonia was granted autonomy when Spain became a republic, the Spanish Civil War of 1932-38 changed the scene again. General Francisco Franco abolished the statues of autonomy and generalitat for Catalonia in 1938, and that remained so until his death in 1975 during which period Spain remained a military dictatorship.

After Franco's death, Spain restored democracy and adopted the Constitution in 1978, granting Catalonia autonomy once again in 1979.

However, in the 21st century, politics picked up pace and cultural nationalism of the Catalonian kind began gaining ground, in accordance with the rising identity politics the world over. After a host of aborted or lost or symbolic attempts, a referendum, deemed illegal, was held in 2014. It saw a resounding yes, although the turnout was just over 35 per cent.

The president of the autonomous Catalan government, Carles Puigdemont, has been equated by some to Nigel Farage, the man responsible for Brexit. Reuters

The new president of the autonomous Catalan government, Carles Puigdemont, took over in January 2016, and omitted the oath of loyalty to the king and the Spanish Constitution. Puidgemont has been equated by some observers to Nigel Farage of the UKIP in Britain, the man responsible for making Brexit happen.

2017 referendum and violence

Spain's political crisis has spiralled with the October 1 referendum in which ballot papers were printed at home or bought from Catalan nationalist sympathiser companies, because the Spanish government deemed it illegal and sealed off polling booths.

The referendum, therefore, is a purely civilian- and Catalonian-driven development, and any citizen could cast his/her vote in any polling booth in the region, making it what an observer has called the a "made for rigging" referendum.

Spanish National Police strike with batons Catalonian fire fighters trying to protect voters in today's referendum. #referendumCAT #o1 pic.twitter.com/OcbAhXctTI

&mdash WikiLeaks (@wikileaks) October 1, 2017

Catalan response to Rajoy's repression (censorship, arrests, raids) is impressive--and strategic. Catalans "keep it light" with humor and calm, insuring people are not afraid to vote and directing reactive energy into growing their institutions and away from fear & violence. pic.twitter.com/KxYsUKOSgy

&mdash Julian Assange ?? (@JulianAssange) September 29, 2017

A hard road ahead, but I pay homage to:1. Catalonia's people, engineers & leaders who with courage and adaptability preserved their voting system against a ferocious onslaught2. Catalonia's civil society for turning anger into organization3. @Mossos for walking a 155 tightrope

&mdash Julian Assange ?? (@JulianAssange) October 2, 2017

The pro-Spanish media has called it a joke, because of its ad hoc nature. But Europe and Anglophone media across the world are watching this carefully, too divided and confused to take a position, while reporting on the violence on the streets of Catalonia caused by clashing protesters with the police.

Dear media: The word for armed police beating and shooting entirely peaceful voters is not "clashes". https://t.co/9mqqy4PmBb pic.twitter.com/PWSZIiSKq9

&mdash Julian Assange . (@JulianAssange) October 2, 2017

This is Spain, in 2017. The EU commission HAVE to get involved here. This is not democracy. #CatalanReferedendum pic.twitter.com/313d0x1Lej

&mdash Maximus (@maxgarniss) October 1, 2017

Carles Puigdemont said: "Today, on this day of hope and also suffering, citizens of Catalonia have won the right to have an independent Catalonian state." However, the fact that he said it before the results have been declared, has forced many to say that the possibility of a rigged referendum doesn't entirely go away.

BREAKING: Israeli PM Netanyahu says Spain has a right to defend itself against revolting grannies.#CatalanReferendum#CatalanReferedendum pic.twitter.com/DooRsKd3w0

&mdash Amir (@AmirAminiMD) October 1, 2017

The outcome of the 2014 referendum, often termed illegal, was a resounding yes, although the turnout was just over 35 per cent. Reuters/file

The police atrocity and images of them beating up the jubilant, but politically single-minded Catalans have divided social media. While Spanish foreign minister Dastis has said that the police response was "proportionate", media reports and social media posts have refuted the claim.

Criticism against Catalan referendum/s

Only Charles Michel, the prime minister of Belgium, the country known for both its heart-warming approach to refugees and becoming the target of terrorist attacks, has called for dialogue as a way forward, while other prominent members of the European Union have resorted to ambiguity or silence on the issue.

Violence can never be the answer! We condemn all forms of violence and reaffirm our call for political dialogue #CatalanReferendum #Spain

&mdash Charles Michel (@CharlesMichel) October 1, 2017

However, what has got ignored in the political rigmarole of developments is that Catalan pacifists, or those who want to stick to Spain, have been either ignored, or have suffered crackdown. The pacifists have a substantial representation which is evident in the repeated low turnout of the voters in the referendums.

Moreover, there's the likelihood of the Catalan parts of France rising to rebellion in case Spain agrees to what some have called this "self-amputation", and might make the whole of southern Europe unstable, threatening the idea of EU itself.

The separatist wildfire isn't limited to Europe alone, given Kurds are also voting to seek independence from Iraq, after decades of persecution. However, the case of Catalonia is both different and disturbing because this means that cultural nationalism has now the power to trump the idea of a constitutionally-bound republic, held together by laws and treaties, rather than bloodlines, thickly shared pasts, despite similar culture, language and other mores.

Only on Sunday would we know if it was a "kangaroo referendum", or not.


How has Catalonia ended up being so nationalist? - Historie

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1936 Revolution and worker's self management

Throughout Catalonia many sectors of the economy fell under the control of the anarchist CNT and the socialist UGT trade unions, where workers' self-management was implemented. These included Railways, streetcars, buses, taxicabs, shipping, electric light and power companies, gasworks and waterworks, engineering and automobile assembly plants, mines, mills, factories, food-processing plants, theaters, newspapers, bars, hotels, restaurants, department stores, and thousands of dwellings previously owned by the upper classes. [16] While the CNT was the leading organization in Catalonia, it often shared power with the UGT. For example, control of the Spanish National telephone company, was put under a joint CNT-UGT committee. [16]

George Orwell describes the scene as he arrived in Barcelona.

It was the first time I had ever been in a town where the working class was in the saddle. Practically every building of any size had been seized by the workers and was draped with red flags or with the red and black flag of the Anarchists every wall was scrawled with the hammer and sickle and with the initials of the revolutionary parties almost every church had been gutted and its images burnt. Churches here and there were being systematically demolished by gangs of workmen. Every shop and café had an inscription saying that it had been collectivised even the bootblacks had been collectivised and their boxes painted red and black. Waiters and shop-walkers looked you in the face and treated you as an equal.

Trade union control also spread to small businesses of the middle class handicraft men and tradesmen. In Barcelona, the CNT collectivized the sale of fish and eggs, slaughterhouses, milk processing and the fruit and vegetable markets, suppressing all dealers and sellers that were not part of the collective. Many retailers joined the collectives but others refused, wanting higher wages than the workers. [18] Throughout the region, the CNT committees replaced the middle class distributors and traders in many businesses including retailers and wholesalers, hotel, café, and bar owners, opticians and doctors, barbers and bakers. [18] Though the CNT tried to persuade the members of the middle class and small bourgeoisie to join the revolution, they were generally unwelcoming to the revolutionary changes wanting more than just expropriation of their businesses under force or threat of force and a worker's wage. [19]

Initially, the newly collectivized factories encountered various problems. CNT member Albert Pérez-Baró describes the initial economic confusion:

After the first few days of euphoria, the workers returned to work and found themselves without responsible management. This resulted in the creation of workers' committees in factories, workshops and warehouses, which tried to resume production with all the problems that a transformation of this kind entailed. Owing to inadequate training and the sabotage of some of the technicians who remained many others had fled with the owners the workers' committees and other bodies that were improvised had to rely on the guidance of the unions. Lacking training in economic matters, the union leaders, with more good will than success, began to issue directives that spread confusion in the factory committees and enormous chaos in production. This was aggravated by the fact that each union. gave different and often contradictory instruction. [20]

In response to these problems, the Generalitat of Catalonia, backed by the CNT approved a decree on "Collectivization and Workers' Control" on 24 October 1936. Under this decree all firms with more than 100 workers were to be collectivized and those with 100 or less could be collectivized if a majority of workers agreed. [21] [22] [23] All collectivized enterprises were to join general industrial councils, which would be represented in a central planning agency, the Economic Council of Catalonia. Representatives of the Generalitat would be appointed by the CNT to these regional councils. [24] The goal of this new form of organization would be to allow central planning for civilian and military needs and stop the selfishness of more prosperous industries by using their profits to help others. However these plans for libertarian socialism based on trade unions was opposed by the socialists and communists who wanted a nationalized industry, as well as by unions which did not want to give up their profits to other businesses. [25] Another problem faced by the CNT was that while many collectivized firms were bankrupt, they refused to use the banks because the financial institutions were under the control of the socialist UGT. As a result of this, many were forced to seek government aid, appealing to Juan Peiró, the CNT minister of industry. Socialists and Communists in the government however, prevented Peiró from making any move which promoted collectivization. [26]

After the initial disruption, the unions soon began an overall reorganization of all trades, closing down hundreds of smaller plants and focusing on those few better equipped ones, improving working conditions. In the region of Catalonia, more than seventy foundries were closed down, and production concentrated around twenty four larger foundries. [27] The CNT argued that the smaller plants were less efficient and secure. In Barcelona, 905 smaller beauty shops and barbershops were closed down, their equipment and workers being focused on 212 larger shops. [27]

Although there were early issues with production in certain instances, however, numerous sources [ hvilken? ] attest that industrial productivity doubled almost everywhere across the country and agricultural yields being "30-50%" larger, demonstrated by Emma Goldman, Augustin Souchy, Chris Ealham, Eddie Conlon, Daniel Guerin and others. [ citat nødvendig ]

Despite the critics clamoring for maximum efficiency, anarchic communes often produced more than before the collectivization. The newly liberated zones worked on entirely libertarian principles decisions were made through councils of ordinary citizens without any sort of bureaucracy. (The CNT-FAI leadership was at this time not nearly as radical as the rank and file members responsible for these sweeping changes.)

If you didn't want to join the collective you were given some land but only as much as you could work yourself. You were not allowed to employ workers. Not only production was affected, distribution was on the basis of what people needed. In many areas money was abolished. People come to the collective store (often churches which had been turned into warehouses) and got what was available. If there were shortages rationing would be introduced to ensure that everyone got their fair share. But it was usually the case that increased production under the new system eliminated shortages.

In agricultural terms the revolution occurred at a good time. Harvests that were gathered in and being sold off to make big profits for a few landowners were instead distributed to those in need. Doctors, bakers, barbers, etc. were given what they needed in return for their services. Where money was not abolished a 'family wage' was introduced so that payment was on the basis of need and not the number of hours worked.

Production greatly increased. Technicians and agronomists helped the peasants to make better use of the land. Modern scientific methods were introduced and in some areas yields increased by as much as 50%. There was enough to feed the collectivists and the militias in their areas. Often there was enough for exchange with other collectives in the cities for machinery. In addition food was handed over to the supply committees who looked after distribution in the urban areas. [28]

Another aspect of the revolution was the rise of an anarcha-feminist women's movement, the Mujeres Libres. The organization, with 30,000 members at its disposal, set up schools to educate women and worked to persuade prostitutes to give up their way of life. [29] The anarcho-feminists argued that overthrow of patriarchal society was just as necessary for personal freedom, as the creation of a classless society. To demonstrate this new sexual equality, some women even fought at the front (no more than one thousand) and several more joined women's battalions in the rear. [29]


How has Catalonia ended up being so nationalist? - Historie

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How has Catalonia ended up being so nationalist? - Historie

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Eric Cugota is an Android, Hybrid and iOS developer since 2014, has four foundation degrees on software development, computer hardware, and 3D, animation, postproduction and videogames creation. He's now studying Multimedia Sofware Engineering while he works.

Working as Mobile developer for Free2Move since May 2019

if you wanna contact me, i'm 24/7 available here: 'cugotaeric at gmail.com'

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When is democracy illegitimate?

Yesterdays attempted referendum for independence in Catalonia ended in violence on a level that was shocking to many, especially since it took place in a Western European country like Spain. The Spanish nation has been a democracy ever since King Juan Carlos I refused to take over after El Caudillo, as Ferdinand Franco, Spain’s fascist strong man, was known. King Juan Carlos I led Spain on a transition to constitutional democratic monarchy, something that endeared him to many Spaniards. Still Spain still bares scars from the Civil War 1936-1939 and the years of francoism. The Basques for instance have long struggled for independence, being culturally and linguistically different from the rest of Spain, a struggle that was made more severe being on the loosing side of the Civil War. The more radical Basques turned to terrorism in the form of ETA, Euskadi Ta Askatasuna – Basque Homeland and Liberty. Today the Basque nationalists have turned away from terrorism to a political struggle, mostly in the form of Herri Batasuna, a far left nationalist party. The development is quite similar to that in Northern Ireland where also the IRA, who are ideologically quite similar to ETA, the two terrorist organizations have cooperated in the past, has laid down arms and instead embarked on a peaceful political solution through Sinn Féin i stedet.

Catalonia as well as the Basque country has it’s own historical, cultural and linguistical identity, and given the part Barcelona played during the Civil War, that identity was held down during the Franco Era. That is why Madrid’s harsh response, not only proclaiming the referendum illegal, but also like Prime minister Mariano Rajoy publicly refusing that it even took place, and also sending in the paramilitary Guardia Civil that left over 800 people injured.

Of the abundant footage available online people injured where not violent rioters, but peaceful Catalans voting for independence. Reactions among leading politicians around Europe has been quite few, at least when it comes to the political repercussions other than the level of violence showed by Guardia Civil. However Ramón Luis Valcárel, the vice President of the European Parliament wrote on Twitter:

“-Today we have witnessed a nationalistic propaganda act, undemocratic a coup attempt against Spanish democracy, and so a coup against Europe.”

This concerns me. Greatly. True enough, the Catalans attempted referendum is against the Spanish constitution. But the violent crack down from Madrid casts shadows from the sordid past and rather strengthens the Catalan’s cause. If Madrid had just said, go ahead, the vote is unconstitutional and as such it will not be adhered to, that would have been fine. But now what we are witnessing is rather more disturbing. Valcarél is saying that voting is a coup against Europe. Virkelig? Brussels had no problem in supporting the coup in Kiev back in 2014 when the albeit corrupt but still democratically elected Yanukovych was ousted which as we now know triggered the Russian invasion of Crimea, and the latter’s referendum to secede from Ukraine to Russia, which was not accepted by the West, and ultimately triggered the civil war in the Donbass with considerable Russian involvement. Expressing support for the coup in Kiev that has led Ukraine into utter deluge Brussels had no problems with. Neither so with Kosovo seceding from what was left of Yugoslavia either. Some might argue that those were under different circumstances, true enough, the Catalan referendum was not held under a situation of clouds of war at the horizon. But the response from Madrid and Brussels are troublesome nonetheless because this shows the double standards in today’s Europe. Machiavelli wrote Il Principe under a different era, during days of the dynastic Italian city states. However his theories still bares validity even to this day, albeit under different shapes and circumstances. Apparently Brussels sees it fit to adhere to the proverb: “-The end justifies the means.”as long as things come down to maintain political hegemony for Brussels and it’s political agenda. EU-commissioner Jean Claude Juncker as on repeated occasions denounced referendums among the citizens of Europe. Hvorfor? It is quite evident, it is unlikely that there is popular support for the ultimate goal of a United States of Europe, Spinelli’s life long dream. It is from the same perspective that we must see Valcárel’s tweet.

Much of the West is today stuck in a narrative of identity politics. Being skeptical towards European federalism is frequently portrayed as being equal of being a xenophobic chauvinistic nationalist. There is however a great difference in being lets say a liberal conservative patriot and being a rampant chauvinistic national socialist. Being against the ultimate goal of the United States of Europe governed from Brussels is equal of running Moscow’s errands. The EU is often portrayed as a project of peace, and sure enough the Coal and Steel Union certainly was so. The Common Market also brought former enemies closer. Still, when war broke out in August of 1914 between Britain and Germany it was to world’s two greatest trading partners that went to war against each other. Unfortunately people tend to only see that parts of history that speaks for their narrative and the most dogmatic pro-Europe demagogues, like we saw in the case of Valcárel’s comment on the Catalan referendum, tend to brand those opposing as equal to traitors against the greater cause, i.e. the idea of “Europe”. But lets be honest, it was liberal nationalism that ultimately paved the way for democracy as we know it today. What would 1848 been like without liberal nationalism? The EU is seen as the guarantor of liberty, freedom and democracy. But does Brussels stand for democracy when it’s non-elected leader demands that no popular referendums should be held that could interfere with the project? Spinelli’s idea of how the ultimate goal of a federal Europe was to be imposed upon the probably unwilling citizens of the various states that make up the European Union was to step by step create a federation that no one would really see coming, even less withdraw from. Bear in mind that Spinelli was a communist and as such probably had quite a different idea what constitutes a democracy compared to say a liberal or a conservative. Thus Brexit came as a shock to Brussels. Those that supported Brexit were by definition labelled as ignorant xenophobes that really did not know what was best their own good, whether this was the case or not.

So, the heavy handed response to the referendum of independence in Catalonia coupled with the comments made by leading European politicians, regardless if you support the Catalonian referendum or not, that is, lets be fair, unconstitutional, really concerns me for the future of Europe. I admit, I am not a keen supporter of the idea of a federal United States of Europe, but things are becoming rather disturbing when voting and the strife for democracy are being seen as illegitimate..


Se videoen: Katalánsko 2015