Ernest Moore

Ernest Moore

Ernest Moore blev født i 1871. Mens han studerede ved University of Chicago, giftede han sig med Dorothea Moore i 1896, og parret blev beboere i Hull House Settlement.

Mens han boede på Hull House, foretog Moore en undersøgelse af salonen i det nittende menighed i Chicago. Hans forskning, Saloonens sociale værdi blev offentliggjort i American Journal of Sociology i juli 1897.

Efter at have forladt Chicago underviste Moore på Harvard og Yale, inden han blev præsident for University of California. Ernest Moore døde i 1955.

Den nittende afdeling i Chicago ifølge skoletællingen 1896 har en befolkning på 48.280. Det er et arbejderdistrikt, og befolkningen er typisk for ufaglært arbejdskraft generelt. De største udenlandske elementer i menigheden er irerne, tyskerne, italienskerne og boheme, angivet i rækkefølgen af ​​relativ talstyrke. Af dem af udenlandsk herkomst er omkring halvdelen amerikanskfødte. Med hensyn til moralsk tilstand nås hverken yderlighederne af ondskab eller dyd, mens den generelle moralske tone er ret sund.

Det gamle hus er næsten neddykket. Med sin overdækkede tophistorie om fantasifuld mursten og dens store flankering af tilføjelser til højre og venstre er der kun de lange vinduer og den brede døråbning til hint om det aspekt, der var sit eget i det for længst forsvundne privatliv i den ejendom, det var en vigtig og gæstfri del af de stille dage før invasionen af ​​menneskemængde og travlt og konkurrence.

Disse tilføjelser er mere iboende end eksterne - vokser ud af voksende behov - og præsenterer derfor i sig selv en slags groft skøn over deres historie. Således tilhører det mest omfattende område og den højeste væg Børnebygningen på højre flanke, hvor den tilsvarende mindre fløj bruges til forelæsnings- og klasseværelser med kollegieplads ovenover.

Om huset er dets bifloder, nogle i materiel form og nogle kun synlige i ånden. Omkring det sydlige hjørne er en murstensbygning, hjemmet til Jane Club, en aktiv klub af arbejdende kvinder, der i et liv på fem år har løst nogle af de mest irriterende spørgsmål om kooperativt liv i deres egen sociale og økonomiske tilfredshed.

Saloonkeeper er den eneste mand, der holder åbent hus i afdelingen. Det er hans opgave at underholde. Det gør ikke noget, at han ikke vælger sine gæster; den konvention er ubrugelig blandt dem. Faktisk er hans demokrati et element i hans styrke. Hans ansigt er det fælles mødested for hans naboer - og han leverer den stimulans, der gør det sociale liv muligt; der er en tilvækst af intelligens, der kommer til ham i hans forretning. Han hører de bedste historier. Han er den første til at få nøjagtig information om de seneste politiske aftaler og sociale mysterier. Dagens almindelige tale går gennem hans ører, og han vides at beholde det, der er det mest interessante.

Der er et andet primært behov, som salonen leverer og i de fleste tilfælde leverer godt. Det er et maddistribuerende center - et sted, hvor en sulten mand kan få så meget, som han vil spise og drikke til en lille pris. Som regel er maden notorisk god og prisen notorisk billig. At salonen fodrer tusinder og fodrer dem godt, vil ingen benægte, hvem der har passeret midt på dagen der.

Det er næppe nødvendigt at forstørre yderligere på salons onde. De er mange og alvorlige, og råber til samfundet om ordentlig overvejelse. Men ordentlig overvejelse indebærer en hel og ikke en halv sandhed, og hele sandheden indebærer sin egen kraft til korrekt handling. I mangel af højere former for social stimulans og større socialt liv vil salonen fortsat fungere i samfundet og for den store del af menneskeheden, som ikke besidder en mere passende form for socialt udtryk.

© John Simkin, april 2013


Moore Ernest

Jeg ved, at Ernest og Lily giftede sig i 1925.
[mellem april og juni, i Birmingham nord 6d 920].

Jeg går ud fra, at da de blev gift i 1925, var de begge måske 21, og derfor blev de født omkring 1904.

Så kan nogen pege mig i den rigtige retning for at finde ERNEST MOOREs fars navn? Også i Birmingham North ville 6d 920 have været, så jeg kunne finde kirken eller registret, de brugte.

Shera

Sand brummie

Jeg ved ikke, om der er andre, der har forslag, men den eneste måde, jeg kan se på, er at sende det vielsesattest. jeg kiggede på min st. martins registrerer bare i tilfælde af, men ingen glæde.

Mudpie77

En god Brummie

& quotJeg ved ikke, om der er andre, der har forslag, men den eneste måde, jeg kan se, er at sende det vielsesattest.
Jeg havde kigget på mine St. Martins plader for sikkerheds skyld, men ingen glæde & quot

Men! derfor søger jeg hjælp, jeg vil gerne kende stedet for ægteskab (dvs.: Birmingham North 6d 920.)

Mester brummie

Birmingham North, 1. september 1924 - 30. september 1932

All Saints, Aston, Duddeston,
Erdington, Ladywood, St. Mary

Mester brummie

ASTON
St James, St Peter & amp St Paul (Aston-juxta-Birmingham)


DUDDESTON
St. Anne, St. Matthew

Her er nogle, men alle de oplysninger, du beder om, vil være på certifikatet


Uddannelsesbygningen, femte struktur, der skal opføres på Westwood -campus (i 1930), blev omdøbt til Moore Hall i 1955 for at ære Dr. Ernest Carroll Moore, første chef for UCLA, som ikke kun var en lærd, lærer og filosof inden for uddannelsesområdet, men også en stor administrator.

Ernest Carroll Moore blev udnævnt til direktør for den sydlige filial, da den blev oprettet i 1919, og han havde tjent i to år som præsident for Los Angeles State Normal School før den tid. Han gik sammen med regent Edward A. Dickson for at skabe oprettelsen af ​​den nye institution, der skulle blive UCLA.

Da succesen kronede deres indsats, gik Normalskolen ud af eksistens, og dens Vermont Avenue fysiske campus blev overdraget til University of California som den første campus i den sydlige gren. Filialen (efter 1927 kendt som UCLA) forblev der indtil 1929, da flytningen til Westwood endelig fandt sted. Dr. Moores titel blev ændret af The Regents fra direktør til provost og i sidste ende til provost og vicepræsident.

Ernest Carroll Moore, der skulle tjene som UCLAs administrator i 17 år, modtog sin A.B. i 1892 og LL.B. i 1894 ved Ohio Normal University. Han fik senere sin MA og Ph.D. ved University of Chicago. Han underviste i filosofi og uddannelse i Berkeley, og i 1906 blev han forstander for skoler i Los Angeles.

Fire år senere tilbød Yale University ham et professorat i uddannelse, og i 1913 blev han lokket til Harvard i samme egenskab og underviste der indtil 1917. I det år accepterede han formandskabet for staten Normal School i Los Angeles.

Dr. Moore gik på pension som UCLA's administrator i 1936. Han underviste på Westwood i fem år mere, og fortsatte derefter med at holde kontakten og boede i nærheden. Han døde i 1955 i en alder af 83. Han gav sit storslåede bibliotek, samlet over mange år, til UCLA. Som en hyldest til ham, skrev Dr. jorden. & quot


Ray City History Blog

Efter WWI -sænkningen af HMS Otranto, 6. oktober 1918, Søgte Berrien County at etablere et permanent mindesmærke for de soldater, der omkom i katastrofen. Af de 25 Berrien mænd dræbt i Otranto katastrofe, to fra Ray City, GA var Ralph Knight og Shellie Loyed Webb.

Mens landet fejrede sejr over Tyskland og centralmagterne, kæmpede Berrien County for midler til at betale for et monument over dets døde. Det står i dag som en varig påmindelse om de unge mænd fra Berrien, der gav deres liv i WWI. Beliggende på Courthouse Square, West Marion Avenue på North Davis Street, Nashville, GA.

Art Inventories Catalogue for Smithsonian Institution beskriver monumentet med titlen “The American Doughboy's ånd, ” Viquesney, E. M., 1876-1946, billedhugger:

“Figur af en infanterist fra første verdenskrig, der bevæger sig frem gennem stubbe og pigtråd i No Man ’s Land. Han holder et Springfield -riffel i sin rigtige venstre hånd, med kigpladsen bagpå og en granat i sin oprejste rigtige højre hånd. Hans uniform består af en ammunitionspakke, kantine, rygsæk, bajonetskede, gasmaske og hjelm. Skulpturen sidder på toppen af ​​granit med skjoldformer på hver side og stjerner og striber dekorationer. Granitpiedestalen sidder oven på en brolagt murstenfod. ”

Midler til skulpturen blev rejst af et mindeudvalg under ledelse af Rev. Perry T. Knight (Ray City, GA). Skulpturen blev rejst mellem 1920 og 1923 og var dedikeret ca. 1921 eller 1922. Den blev efterladt tilsløret indtil slutningen af ​​1923, i afventning af færdiggørelse af fundraising. Skulpturen blev oprindeligt installeret midt på Marrion Avenue, mod nord cirka 50 fod vest for, hvor den nu står. Det blev flyttet i begyndelsen af ​​1950'erne og genindviet, da Marrion Avenue, Georgia Highway 129 blev asfalteret. Et medlem af familien Parrish, der havde et monumentskæringsfirma i Nashville, kan muligvis have hjulpet med at udskære basen. ”

Følgende afsnit er trukket ud af:

1918 Sinkning af Otranto fører til køb af Doughboy -monumentet til Berrien

Af Skeeter Parker

Fund Drive begynder

Som om influenza -pandemien i 1918 ikke var nok, hang dødens pels endnu tungere over Berrien Amt på et tidspunkt, hvor resten af ​​landet fejrede afslutningen på fjendtlighederne i WWI. Imidlertid,det lokale borgerskab var fast besluttet på, at soldaternes navne aldrig ville blive glemt, som der står på Doughboy -monument "LEST WE GLEM." En monumentfond blev annonceret på forsiden af Nashville Herald den 29. november 1918, og læserne fik at vide “Hver offentlig livlig mand, kvinde og barn i Berrien amt burde bidrage liberalt til denne herlige sag. ”

Fordi de fleste af Nashville -aviserne fra 1920'erne blev ødelagt eller manglede hvornår mikrofilmning blev udført, detaljer omkring Doughboy -statuens ankomst til Nashville stammer for det meste fra forskellige internetkilder. Ifølge en af ​​disse kilder blev statuen bestilt i foråret 1921 og opført midt på Marion Avenue i slutningen af ​​juli eller august 1921. Det siger også forskellige kilder mens monumentet blev installeret i 1921, forblev det under dække indtil 1923, da "betaling for skulptur og imponerende base blev afsluttet. ”

Dette bekræftes af en artikel fra 18. januar 1923 i The Nashville Herald, hvor forfatteren sagde:

”Det er en evig skam og en sag at få befolkningen i disse tre amter til at føle sig dårligt overstået at dette smukke mindesmærke nu står tilsløret, fordi det ikke er betalt. ”

Læseren skal blive ved husk på, at Cook og Lanier Counties i oktober 1918 endnu ikke var dannet og stadig var en del af Berrien.

I januar 1923 gjorde pastor Perry Thomas Knight en personlig opfordring til befolkningen i Berrien County om at betale den endelige saldo, der skyldtes statuen. Knight voksede op på Rays Mill (nu Ray City), GA, hvor han deltog i den nærliggende Green Bay School, og senere deltog i Oaklawn Baptist Academy i Milltown (nu Lakeland), GA:


Vicefoged ''er Mord stadig uløst

Oneal Moore og Creed Rogers lavede historie i 1964, da de blev de første sorte vicefogder i Washington Parish, et berygtet Ku Klux -højborg. Et år senere var Moore død, og Rogers var blind på det ene øje.

Varnado, La. - Oneal Moore og Creed Rogers lavede historie i 1964, da de blev de første sorte vicebogmænd i Washington Parish, en berygtet Ku Klux -højborg. Et år senere var Moore død, og Rogers var blind på det ene øje.

Natten til den 2. juni 1965 kørte de to mænd i en patruljevogn til Moores hjem i denne landsby syv kilometer nord for Bogalusa. De planlagde en sen middagspause. Moores kone i 11 år, Maevella, lavede havkat.

Patruljevognen krydsede jernbanesporene på Main Street, mindre end en kilometer fra Moores hjem, da en pickup med mindst tre mænd nærmede sig. En kugle fra et jagtgevær rev i baghovedet på Moores hoved og dræbte ham. Rogers overlevede sår fra haglgeværpiller, men blev blindet i sit højre øje. Begge mænd havde været suppleanter i et år og en dag.

Rogers radiobaserede i en beskrivelse af pickupen - sort med et konfødereret flagmærke på den forreste kofanger. Cirka en time senere og en times kørsel nordpå i Tylertown, Miss., Stoppede politiet en lastbil, der passede til den beskrivelse. De anholdt chaufføren, Ernest Ray McElveen, en Bogalusa-papirværker og deltidsforsikringssælger. McElveen blev godt anset i byen. Han var også medlem af de racistiske og antisemitiske borgerråd i Amerika og i det endnu mere vildt storslåede National States Rights Party. Politiet fandt to pistoler i hans lastbil, men ingen jagtgevær eller haglgevær.


To nætter efter, at stedfortræderne blev skudt, sprøjtede seks kugler hjemmet til Washington Parishs vicechef, en hvid mand, der undersøgte Moores mord. For sin del blev McElveen udleveret tilbage til Louisiana. Han sagde lidt og blev løsladt efter et par dage. Han blev aldrig retsforfulgt, og der blev ikke foretaget andre anholdelser. James Farmer, national direktør for borgerrettighedsorganisationen Congress of Racial Equality, sagde på det tidspunkt, at han havde mistanke om, at Klan stod bag skyderierne. Mange mennesker i Bogalusa tror stadig, at det er tilfældet og har mistanke om, at nogle ældre ved, hvem der har gjort det.

FBI har genåbnet undersøgelser af skyderierne tre gange, senest i 2007. Der blev anbragt belønningsplakater og postkort omkring sognet, der tilbød $ 40.000 for information, der førte til anklage og anholdelse af alle, der var ansvarlige for skyderierne. Og stadig har der ikke været nogen anholdelser.

"For at det skal gå uløst, ved du, at folk bliver stramme," siger Marvin Austin, 61, en sort tidligere toårig byrådsmedlem i Bogalusa, der har boet der det meste af sit liv.

"Nogen der ved det, holder det hemmeligt," siger Maevella Moore, 73, pensioneret sygeplejerske. Hun bor i det samme beskedne og ryddelige hus, som hun gjorde i 1965, da hun fik nyheden om, at hendes mand var blevet dræbt. "Jeg har brug for noget lukning. Jeg er meget frustreret."


Moorerne havde fire døtre. De varierede i alderen fra 9 år til 9 måneder, da han blev myrdet. ”Mine børn er blevet frataget så meget,” siger hun. "Det har vi alle."

Pastor Coleman Moses er ikke overrasket over, at ingen er kommet frem efter 44 år for at give oplysninger om drabet på Moore og såringen af ​​Rogers, der døde i 2007 i en alder af 85. "Der er ingen hemmeligheder i Bogalusa," siger Moses, en sort baptistpræst i Bogalusa. "Vi dækker over ting, vi ikke vil tale om. Hvis det er racemæssigt, vil der ikke komme nogen kommentar fra det hvide samfund til, at det ikke eksisterer."

Da McElveen - den hovedmistænkte i stedfortrædernes skyderier - døde i 2003 i en alder af 79 år, bemærkede lokalavisens nekrolog, at han var en veteran fra Anden Verdenskrig, der havde modtaget to lilla hjerter. Det nævnte, at han for nylig var gået på pension efter 55 år med det samme firma. Men der var ikke et eneste ord om McElveens formodede rolle i skyderierne. Ikke en eneste kommentar om det blev lagt i online -versionen af ​​nekrologen.


Ernest Moore - Historie

Ernest Moore

Ernest er opført på War Memorial som en af ​​dem, der gav sit liv under første verdenskrig.

Ernest blev født i 1887 på Horstead. Hans forældre var David Moore & Emma, ​​nee Rivett fra Hautbois. Han havde seks søskende og en halvbror og en halvsøster. Hans halvbror, Robert Rivett, døde også som følge af sår påført under første verdenskrig og mindes på krigsmindesmærket.

Ernest optrådte i folketællingen fra 1891, da han var fire år, der boede hos sin mor i sine bedsteforældres hjem i Hautbois. Da han var 14, boede han sammen med sin mor og stedfar og arbejdede hos en købmand, mens han boede sammen med sin familie på Fire Engine Yard, Coltishall. Han havde forladt hjemmet i 1911 og logerede på Yarmouth Road, Filby, hvor han var landarbejder.

Han meldte sig til Norwich og tjente i militæret med Royal Army Ordnance Corp som privat 022979. Han blev dræbt den 11. januar 1918, mens han tjente i det vesteuropæiske teater i Frankrig og blev begravet på Janval Cemetery, Dieppe, Seine-Maritme, Frankrig på plot I, række L, grav 4. Han blev tildelt den britiske krigsmedalje og sejrsmedalje.

Jeg kan ikke finde noget reelt link til ham med Martham, bortset fra at hans mor ser ud til at være død her i 1919. Ingen af ​​hans familie kom fra eller boede i Martham, men hvis du kan tilføje flere, bedes du kontakte mig.

Janval kirkegård, Dieppe, Seine-Maritme, Frankrig

Biografi af Ernest Moore Bolles

ERNEST MOORE BOLLES, støvle- og skoforhandler, i Amherst, Massachusetts, blev født i Amherst, 12. marts 1876. Han var søn af Lemuel Nelson Bolles. Bolles (Bowles) familien går tilbage til den normanniske erobring af England. Et navn “Bolls ” findes på Roll of the Butte Abbey, som givet af Holl: ngshead. Duchesne, fra et charter i det kloster, giver en liste over erobrerne i England under Vilhelm af Normandiet, blandt dem navnet på “Bools. ” Navnene, Boll, Bol, Bole og Bolle forekommer hyppigt i Domesday Book. En familie ved navn Bolles, som har været langvarig i Lincoln -amtet, boede der allerede under kong Henry III's regeringstid, da Alaire eller Alaine Bolle fra Swineshead var Lord of Swineshead og Bolle Hall i amtet Lincoln. Dets hovedsæde synes at have været Bolle Hall, i Swineshead, indtil slutningen af ​​Edward IV's regeringstid (AD 1483), da den ældre gren af ​​Bolleses blev bosat i Hough, nær Alford. i Lincolnshire, mens en yngre filial etablerede sig ved Goosberkirke, nu Goosberton i samme amt. Fra denne yngre generation kom baronetterne i Scampton, Lincolnshire og de amerikanske Bolles -familier formodentlig, selv om der ikke er nogen redegørelse for deres engelske afstamning.

(I) Den første med rekord i dette land er Joseph Bolles, fra Winter Harbour, ved mundingen af ​​Saco -floden, provinsen Maine, hvor han udførte handel i 1640. I det år registrerede Retten i Maine indeholder denne passage: “Joseph Bolles, har forelagt den store undersøgelse Thomas Heard for at være fuld. . . og truede ham med mange voldelige ord for at bryde hans butik op. Han (den kriminelle) erklærer endvidere, at han modtog sin drink i huset til William Scadlock. ” Mr. Bolles blev derefter flyttet til Wells, Maine, hvor han var byskriver fra 1654 til 1664. Hans bolighus og det første bind af byrekorden blev brændt af indianerne på tidspunktet for hans embedsperiode. Joseph Bolles, født i 1608, døde i Wells, Maine, i efteråret 1678. Hans testamente, dateret 18. september 1678, blev optaget til skifte i november 1678. “Hans opgørelse foretaget og vurderet af os den 29. november , 167 & amp. William SymondsJoseph Storer, ” opregner “huse, jorder og enge, der tilhører de hjemlodder, der blev vurderet af os, tegnet til fire hundrede og firs pund, ” og hele hans ejendom blev vurderet til £ 842 Is. 6d. Han var både giver og modtager af talrige stykker jord. Ved hans død blev hans ejendom, reduceret med dykkertilskud til sine børn, vurderet til £ 530. Han var en mand med høj karakter, universelt respekteret og beæret. Kommissærer i Massachusetts holdt en domstol i Wells i juli 1653 og udnævnte ham til fuldmægtig med beføjelse til at meddele warrants, bilag osv. I 166% havde kongen restaureret Gorges -familien, hvad der var blevet overtaget af Massachusetts, Archdale , Gorges ’ agent, tog til Maine med kommissærer for forskellige personer, og blandt andre hr. Bolles, som rådmænd og magistrater. I 1664 bestilte Sir Ferdinand Gorges, barnebarn af den oprindelige patenthaver, vasketøj af sine kærlige venner, herunder hr. Bolles, som stedfortrædere og kommissærer for regeringen i provinsen Maine. ” I alle tilfælde, hvor navnet findes skrevet af sin egen hånd staves det Bolles, men kopister, optagelsesofficerer og andre, ikke familien, stavede det lunefuldt Bauls, Bowls, Bowels, Boals, Bolls, Bools, Boolls, Booles, Bowalls. John A. Bolles, slægtens slægtsforsker, autoritet for de tidlige generationers historie, formoder, at Joseph Bolles giftede sig med en datter af Morgan Howell, grundejer på Cape Porpoise, som testamenterede fru Bolles og hendes børn, hele hans ejendom og ejendom, og udnævnte hendes eksekutør af hans testamente 12. november 1666. Hele familien til hr. Bolles overlevede ham, og hans enke levede i 1684, hvorefter der ikke er nogen registrering. Følgende familierekord vises i håndskriften til Mr. Bolles i Wells byregistre. “ Alder af Joseph Bolles, født februar 1608 og Mary Bolles, hans kone, i marts 1624: 1. Mary Bolles, deres datter, født 7. august 1641. 2. Thomas Bolles, hans ældste søn, december 1, 1644. 3. Samuel Bolles, 1. marts 1646. 4. Hannah Bolles, 25. november 1649. 5. Eliza Bolles, 15. januar 1652. 6. Joseph Bolles, 15. marts 1654. 7. Sarah Bolles, januar 20, 1657. 8. Mercy Bolles, 11. august 1661 ”

(II) Samuel Bolles, tredje barn af Joseph og Mary Bolles, blev født i Wells den 12. marts 1646. Det fremgår af byens optegnelser, at indbyggerne i Wells i 1668 bevilgede ham tre hundrede hektar jord, på betingelse af at han skulle forbedre det samme inden for et år. Han flyttede til Rochester, Massachusetts, i senere år. En af hans efterkommere oplyser mig, ” skriver familiekronikeren, at efter at han blev brændt ud i Maine af indianerne tre gange, flyttede han først til Clark ’s Island i Boston Harbor og ved siden af ​​Rochester, Massachusetts , hvor han skiftede jord med Samuel Hammond, og at hans hus lå omkring to miles nord for Mattapoisette Village. ” Han og hans kone boede i 1713. I juni 1712 overførte de til Henry Flint, fra Cambridge, seks hundrede hektar jord, beliggende i New Dartmouth, alias Sheepscot, almindeligvis kendt under navnet Dyer ’s Neck, eller Nassacmac, der sagde jordhals, siger skødet, blev tidligere bevilget af Robin Hood Sagamore fra den nævnte Nassacmac til William Dyer, far til sagde Mary. I 1713 overførte de til Samuel Hammond, fra Rochester, tre hundrede og ti hektar jord, der lå i townshipen Wells. Dyer og hans søn, Christopher, blev dræbt og skaleret af indianere ved Dyer ’s Neck. Hverken rekord eller tradition angiver datoen for Samuel Bolles 'død. Han blev gift med Mary Dyer, datter af William Dyer, fra Sheepscot, Maine, og de havde tre børn: Joseph, Samuel og Jonathan, hvoraf yderligere.

(IV) Jonathan Bolles, søn af Samuel og Mary (Dyer) Bolles, blev født i New Hampshire den 19. december 1728 og døde i 1828 i Rockingham, Vermont. Han giftede sig i 1758 med Elizabeth Randall. Han flyttede til Richmond, New Hampshire og senere til Vermont. De var forældre til tolv børn.

(V) Lemuel Bolles, søn af Jonathan og Elizabeth (Randall) Bolles, blev født i Richmond, New Hampshire, 20. juli 1777 og døde i Vermont, 21. august 1827. Han blev gift med Mary Chamberlain i Keene, New Hampshire, født 8. maj 1778, død 8. januar 1837. De var forældre til syv børn.

(VI) Nelson Bolles, søn af Lemuel og Mary (Chamberlain) Bolles, blev født 7. april 1817 og døde 7. april 1883. Han var landmand i Newfane, Windham County, Vermont. Han blev gift, 18. november 1841, Emeline Putnum, født 24. maj 1821, død 27. februar 1896. Børn: Etta Amelia Lemuel Nelson, hvoraf yderligere Mary Ella E. Samuel Putnum George W. og Effie Evangeline.

(VII) Lemuel Nelson Bolles, søn af Nelson og Emeline (Putnum) Bolles, blev født i Cambridgeport, Vermont, 7. april 1849 og døde i Amherst, Massachusetts, 28. december 1891. Han kom til Amherst, Massachusetts, i 1876 , og var i kød- og købmandsforretningen til sin død. Han var medlem af Improved Order of Red Men og Methodist Episcopal Church. Han giftede sig i februar 1874 med Emeline A. Banning fra East Hartford, Connecticut, datter af Erastus M. og Almira (Hall) Banning. Børn: Ernest Moore Edward, der døde ung Jessie, der døde ung og Grace, der blev gift med Willis Fay, fra Amherst, Massachusetts.

(VIII) Ernest Moore Bolles, søn af Lemuel og Emeline A. (Banning) Bolles, blev uddannet i offentlige og gymnasier i Amherst. Da hans skoletid sluttede, gik han på arbejde i skobutikken hos James E. Stinson, i Amherst, og fortsatte i sin ansættelse i seks eller syv år. Han var også ansat i en skobutik i Hartford, Connecticut, i en kort periode. I 1897 engagerede han sig i støvle- og skovirksomheden for sig selv i Amherst og har været der siden. Han er medlem af Pacific Lodge, Free and Accepted Murers, medlem af Royal Arch Chapter og Northampton Commandery, Templaridder i Melha Temple, Ancient Arabic Order Adels fra Mystic Shrine, Springfield. Han er en kristen videnskabsmand inden for religion.

Bolles blev den 18. august 1903 gift med Charlotte Elizabeth (Wheeler) Ladd, født i Hatley, Quebec, Canada, datter af Amos og Lydia (Emery) Wheeler og enke efter Leon Ladd, fra Laconia, New Hampshire . Hun er mor til Everett Harlan Ladd, der den 11. september 1923 giftede sig med Grace Eddy fra Milford, Connecticut, datter af Charles A. og Amy (Bliss) Eddy. De har to sønner: Harlan Bolles Ladd, født 28. juli 1924 og Norman Bliss Ladd, født 4. januar 1926. Hr. Og fru Ernest Moore Bolles er forældre til en datter, Audrey Bolles, student ved Tufts College, født 21. august 1908. Bolles 'forretningsadresse er hovedgade nr. 8, hans husadresse er Aro. 52 Lincoln Avenue, Amherst, Massachusetts.


Company-Histories.com

Verdens førende internationale hotelvirksomhed og tredjestørste hotelfirma med hensyn til antal værelser, ITT Sheraton Corporation ejer, leaser, administrerer eller franchisetager omkring 450 hoteller, kroer og feriesteder i 65 lande på fem kontinenter. ITT Sheraton betjener 22 millioner gæster over hele verden hvert år og har været hotelbranchens førende på en række områder, herunder brug af ny teknologi til reservationer og indtrængen på nye internationale markeder. Efter nogle kvalitetsfald i løbet af sin ekspansion til franchiser indførte virksomheden et strengt system for at sikre ensartede verdensomspændende standarder i både virksomhedsejendomme og franchiseejendomme.

Ernest Henderson og Robert Moore, hotelkædens medstiftere, havde oprindeligt ikke tænkt sig at gå ind i hotelbranchen. Harvard-klassekammerater i 1910'erne, de forsøgte mange virksomheder, fra at samle Model-T-biler og radioer, til at importere papirfiberdragter og tyske hyrdehunde. Kort tid efter børsnedbruddet med lave kurser vendte de sig til værdipapirer. Henderson, Moore og Hendersons bror George købte et investeringsselskab-Beacon Participations-relativt billigt. Derfra gik de på meget uortodokse økonomiske veje, der skræmte nogle aktionærer af, men førte efter købet af yderligere to investeringsselskaber-Atlantic Securities og Standard Investing Corporation-til, hvad der blev til Sheraton Corporation of America. Gruppen valgte hotelbranchen, fordi den mente, at fast ejendom, og især hoteller, ville komme sig hurtigst efter depressionen.

Henderson-brødrene og Moore udviklede et mønster for at købe ejendomme, der ligger tilbage, og vende dem rundt med et betydeligt overskud-rygraden i Sheratons tidlige succes. Kort efter 1933-et år, hvor hotelbelægningsgraden for hele industrien faldt til det laveste nogensinde, 51 %-købte de Continental i Cambridge, Massachusetts. Continental havde først åbnet sine døre, den dag da aktiemarkedet styrtede ned seks måneder med faldende forretninger førte til afskærmning og et par år senere til lukning af den bank, der havde afskærmet. For et meget beskedent beløb startede derfor Hendersons og Moore i hotelbranchen.

Efter at have betalt modne obligationer blev de resterende aktiver i deres tredje investeringsselskab, Standard Investing Corporation, brugt til at købe 200-værelses Stonehaven Hotel i Springfield, Massachusetts. Et par år senere konsoliderede de Standard Investing med International Equities Corporation for at danne Standard Equities Corporation. På det tidspunkt havde Hendersons og Moore købt tre hoteller i Boston, hvoraf et senere gav kæden sit navn, fordi hotellets elektriske skilt-der bar ordene "Sheraton Hotel"-ville have været uoverkommeligt dyrt at udskifte.

Inden for få år købte de Copley Plaza, en verdenskendt Boston-institution. Dette var ifølge Ernest Henderson-præsident og talsmand for virksomheden-deres introduktion til major league. Efter Copley begyndte de at opsøge projekter, der ville give to dollars i værdi for hver brugt dollar.

Gennem 1940'erne fortsatte den indenlandske ekspansion med køb af hoteller, der strakte sig fra Maine til Florida. Konkurrencen lå i form af de voksende Hilton-, Statler-, Pick-, Knott- og Milner -hotelvirksomheder. Succesen for Hendersons firma, der satte det i gang med disse andre kæder, skyldtes, at det trak sig selv op af dets bagagerum og af ren sparsommelighed. Ernest Henderson-hans bror var droppet ud af billedet nu-var kendt for at fortsætte uendeligt om behovet for at slukke ubrugte lys.

Virksomheden modtog en betydelig infusion af ekstern kapital. I 1946-et blomstrende år for hotelbranchen med den hidtil højeste branchedækkende belægningsgrad på 95 %-fusionerede Standard Equities med US Realty and Improvement Company, et holdingselskab, til at danne United States Realty-Sheraton Corporation, som blev kort efter omdøbt til Sheraton Corporation of America. Som en del af denne fusion erhvervede Henderson og Moore flere kontor- og lejlighedsbygninger i New York City, som senere blev videresolgt for en fortjeneste, foruden nogle andre ejendomme, der ikke var hotel, herunder Martin Electric Company i Detroit.

Fra da af bragte Sheraton innovationer til hotelbranchen, især med teknologiske fremskridt. I 1948 var Sheraton den første til at bruge telex -systemet til et reservationsnetværk. I 1958 introducerede det Reservatron, branchens tidligste automatiserede elektroniske reservationssystem, hvilket gjorde Sheraton til den første hotelkæde til at centralisere og computerisere reservationer. I 1967 opdaterede Sheraton dette system med Reservatron II, et computersystem til personlige reservationer. I 1970 var Sheraton den første til at indføre et gratis 800-talssystem, der gav kunderne direkte adgang til reservationer.

Henderson brugte føderale afskrivningskvoter til at reducere Sheratons skattepligtige indkomst og øgede dermed pengestrømmen og frigjorde midler til ekspansion. I 1950'erne oplevede væksten af ​​løst sammensatte hotelgrupper og opførelsen af ​​nye ejendomme, især moteller. Sheraton followed suit by building newer, more expensive hotels in 1957 as well as motor inns, partly in response to the development of interstate highways and increased air travel. At this time, Sheraton chose to build new as opposed to fixing up old because the supply of poorly run existing hotels was exhausted. The company fully utilized its audit potential by mortgaging its hotels and four of its office buildings. In order not to bring down the whole company if a depression were to hit, the hotels were held in subsidiary corporations.

Not content with simple domestic growth, Sheraton's international expansion began with the acquisition in 1949 of two Canadian hotel chains, the Laurentien Hotel Company and the Eppley chain. Ten years later, Sheraton went beyond North America with a flourish that would mark its future: four Hawaiian properties were purchased and the stage was set for Sheraton's eventual dominance of the Hawaiian hotel market, with 12 luxury hotels. Sheraton followed with a 1961 Middle East project in Tel Aviv, then hotels in Puerto Rico and Jamaica, and in 1963 with its first South American hotel, the Macuto Sheraton in Venezuela.

In the United States during the 1960s, as family vacations by car became increasingly popular, the dominant chains were taking root. Despite the increase in hotel business from family car trips, some industry analysts considered the lodging industry overbuilt and predicted doom for many hotels. Increased air travel, although it cut the number of stopovers, led to an increase in hotel business. Sheraton had started the decade strong. With the highest cash flow in the hotel industry in 1958, Sheraton sold approximately 30 to 40 hotels between 1945 and 1960, most of them at substantial profits. Times were lean, however, with the glut, and a few years later, Sheraton was forced to sell more hotels to reduce the company's debt.

Up until this time, the most importance difference between Sheraton and Hilton, the top U.S. chains, was that while Hilton was the largest operator of hotels in the world, largely because of its network of leases, Sheraton was the largest owner of hotels. Even though other hotels had been hit by bankruptcy and many were in the red because of overcapacity, Sheraton was still making money in real estate. In fact, Sheraton was in the red quite a bit of the time--but only on the surface. Ernest Henderson's clever accounting kept profits low even though assets were substantial.

In the early 1960s, the Sheraton style began to change. In order to spread its name without tying up funds, the company managed hotels owned and built by others. In 1962, recognizing the merits of franchising and the prospective demand of other hotels to use Sheraton's well-known name along with its advanced reservation system, Sheraton followed the industry trend by forming a franchise division. Henderson seemed to be looking forward to the fall-out from the 1960s glut, that is, the opportunity to buy bargain-priced hotels, in the same way that he was able to buy hotels and survive the fall-out of the 1930s.

Henderson died in 1967 and the chain passed to his son, Ernest III, who had become president and treasurer in 1963. With the elder Henderson's death, Sheraton was up for sale. International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation (ITT)--long the international equivalent of AT & T and in the 1960s a leader in the conglomerate merger wave--acquired Sheraton as a wholly owned subsidiary in 1968. Harold Geneen, then president of ITT, wanted companies that were capable of a minimum of 10% annual growth rate, and those that would bring to ITT a greater degree of public recognition. Geneen's policy was to attach the ITT name to all its subsidiaries. Sheraton fit well into ITT's line of consumer services, particularly as ITT already owned a rental car company and an airport parking company the trend toward package travel service had begun.

Given this new ITT affiliation, Sheraton began to depend increasingly on consumer and market research when making development decisions. Just after the acquisition, Claude Feninger, former product manager for hotel operations of ITT--ITT had previously had 16 Holiday Inn francishes in the U.S.--was named president of Sheraton-International, the overseas properties division. Ambitious plans were laid to fashion a global network of business and convention hotels, luxury hotels and resorts, as well as inns.

Howard "Bud" James, who became ITT Sheraton president and CEO in 1970, moving the younger Henderson into the chairman slot, is often cited as the reason that Sheraton moved so far ahead, particularly because he saw the value of decentralized management, domestically and globally. Sheraton's U.S. division, therefore, has regional managers who are responsible not only for their "own" hotels but six or seven other properties as well. Internationally, Sheraton's properties are divided into four geographic divisions, along with a franchise division, for management purposes.

After the early 1970s, Sheraton underwent a change in its development philosophy. Prior to that time, as was Henderson's way, Sheraton operated almost all of its hotel properties. Under the guidance of ITT, Sheraton evolved from a real estate company with heavy equity involvement into a hotel management company with low equity involvement. It did so by relying more heavily on franchises and management contracts. For Sheraton and the other prominent hotel chains, such as Holiday Inn, Hilton, Marriott, and Ramada, franchising and managing, rather than owning and operating, certainly had their virtues: financial risk was greatly reduced, and because of the elimination of depreciation, Sheraton was able to maintain steady earnings flow from its old properties. Such arrangements do not guarantee high earnings. If demand for rooms fall, Sheraton's revenue decreases because that revenue is simply a percentage of operating profits.

By the mid-1970s, Sheraton was the industry leader in selling franchises and management contracts, which had by this time become widespread among the big national chains. In 1976, Sheraton's gross sales from owned, leased, managed, and franchised properties topped $1 billion. Despite the excitement produced by international expansion--Sheraton's operations expanded from 4 to 55 foreign countries in just over ten years--in 1985, Sheraton owned only 14 of its 482 hotels, barely 3%. At that time, a flaw in Sheraton's franchising system began to appear: loss of control over service quality. In the rush to expand with franchises, Sheraton had not devised a system for compliance with the high service-standards that the Sheraton name had originally implied. This problem, which had not fully surfaced until the mid-1980s, was addressed with a sweeping reorganization.

Through marketing campaigns and incentives, Sheraton targeted groups to increase sales. One concept to differentiate Sheraton in a crowded, competitive market, was the Sheraton Towers, the first of which opened in Boston in 1970. The Towers, designed for the business traveler, were essentially hotels within hotels, with fancier rooms, and unusual amenities such as concierge service. With Sheraton Club International, a frequent traveler program launched in 1987, Sheraton was highly successful in retaining repeat customers, particularly those in business. Such travelers along with the convention market, which is sometimes booked as much as ten years ahead of time, are an important part of Sheraton's business. To take advantage of an aging U.S. population, Sheraton, in 1977, began offering a 25% discount to members of several senior citizens' organizations. Weekend deals and family plans had been used since Sheraton's early days to fill empty rooms on the weekend, after the bulk of hotel guests--business travelers--left.

As was the case in the 1930s and the 1960s, some analysts in the 1980s contended that the hotel industry was overbuilt, particularly the luxury segment, in which Sheraton has most of its properties. Because any night a room is empty can never be sold again, a glut in the hotel business can prove disastrous. Sheraton, however, denied the existence of such a glut, globally or even nationally, even though it admitted that pockets of excess capacity existed in certain cities, such as in Boston in the mid-1980s. Sheraton continued to respond to the competition with target marketing because it already had diversification ranging from the more utilitarian business hotels from its earlier days to the more luxurious hotels and resorts. Because of Sheraton's worldwide spread of hotels and commitment to the long-term view, it was in a good position to ride out temporary difficulties that affected other hotels.

In 1983, the new Sheraton chairman, president, and CEO, John Kapioltas, former president of Sheraton's Europe, Africa, Middle East, and South Asia division, who was promoted in part because of his development success, presided over an effort to bring to North America the same standards he had applied to five-star properties around the world

After expanding its domestic-resort network with new properties in California, Colorado, and Hawaii, Sheraton continued to lead the way with more industry initiatives. In 1985, it signed an agreement to operate the Great Wall Sheraton Hotel, Beijing, the first hotel in China to bear the name of an international hotel company. Five years later, Sheraton had four hotels in China bearing its name. Sheraton became the first U.S. hotel company to operate in Eastern Europe, with the 1986 opening of a Sheraton hotel in Sofia, Bulgaria. In 1989, it announced the first U.S.-Soviet joint venture to own and operate two hotels in Moscow, the first of which was scheduled to open in 1992.

Throughout the 1980s, Sheraton's net income fluctuated widely. It and an ITT development in Florida had a combined net loss of $6 million on revenues of $626 million in 1984 compared to a net profit of $19 million on revenues of $540 million in 1983. This substantial reversal may have led to ITT's 1985 announcement that it would welcome minority shareholders for Sheraton. Despite ITT's scaling back across the board in the late 1980s, it was not likely to sell Sheraton outright, given the great visibility Sheraton afforded and the fact that in 1985 ITT outlined an $80 million plan to upgrade Sheraton technology.

In 1986, a five-year internal reorganization of Sheraton began with the removal of the distinction between corporately owned and franchised hotels. In the company's early years, Ernest Henderson had stressed the importance of good reputation. By the mid- 1980s that reputation was suffering: wherever customers saw the name they expected the same outstanding service--although, according to Sheraton surveys, they did not always seem to be getting it..

Over a period of five years, Sheraton sold and/or canceled the franchises for approximately 60% of its franchised properties that could not or would not meet its standards. To set itself apart from the competition, Sheraton launched a new ad campaign, "At Sheraton, Little Things Mean A Lot," in addition to the Sheraton Guest Satisfaction System (SGSS), a concept designed to increase guest-service standards and monitor how employees work to achieve that goal. Standard requirements were upgraded as of 1989, including not only the new service standards and SGSS, but a new inspection program, life-safety standards, training, the upgrading of existing properties, and opportunities for future growth.

Despite the increasingly complex and competitive market in which mergers and acquisitions have become common, Sheraton continued to move with its program of selective growth. By 1990, Sheraton had 161 corporately owned and-operated properties and 293 franchised properties. Considerable sums were spent for existing property improvements, including major restoration projects of Sheraton's U.S. landmark properties, such as the historic Carlton in Washington, D.C., and the luxurious Moana Surfrider in Waikiki Beach in Hawaii, both of which reopened in 1989. Money had also gone toward building new properties.

In 1990 ITT Sheraton had ambitions plans for the next decade. It intended to extend its world presence to at least 75 countries, with a greater emphasis on quality and uniformity. Internationally, Sheraton had in 1990 more than 50 projects under development, including plans for countries new to the system, as well as further developments in Europe, the Middle East, and South America. At the same time Sheraton was well-positioned for "The Pacific Century" with four new Sheratons under construction in Australia, and management contracts lined up for 23 Indonesian hotels. Domestically, ITT Sheraton had plans for several markets, including more convention hotels and all-suite hotels. As of 1990, more than 20 corporately-managed and franchised hotels were scheduled to join the Sheraton network in North America.

Sheraton continued to be in keen competition with Holiday Inn and the upscale Marriott Hotel chain, which had just edged Sheraton out of the number-two spot in number of rooms worldwide, for customers. A flexible attitude in joint ventures and other arrangements with a variety of institutions, dating back to the early days of Ernest Henderson's unorthodox paths, continued to hold new options for Sheraton in the future.

With the help of ITT, Sheraton's business was restructured and its service made uniform. That same company, just past its 50th anniversary was poised for the next century--with a policy of selective growth, high service standards, and rigorous checking procedures to ensure the strength of the ITT Sheraton name.

Principal Subsidiaries: The Hotel Source Unifood.

"Daring Financial Paths Lead Sheraton to Growth," Business Week , September 12, 1959.
Henderson, Ernest, The Sheraton Story , New York, Newcomen Society in North America, 1959.
Henderson, Ernest, The World of "Mr. Sheraton ," New York, D. McKay Company, 1960.
Sheraton World Fiftieth Anniversary Issue , Boston, ITT Sheraton Corporation, 1987.

Source: International Directory of Company Histories , Vol. 3. St. James Press, 1991.


What the Color ‘Haint Blue’ Means to the Descendants of Enslaved Africans

Haint Blue Porch Ceilings

Beaufort

Beaufort County, South Carolina, a marshy world of low-lying coastal islands, is awash in blue. The cerulean of the skies that darken to shades of cobalt in storm-kissed summers. The blue-gray of the churning Atlantic. The sapphire waters of the rivers and saline estuaries that account for almost 40 percent of the county’s 923 square miles.

But while the color blue dominates Lowcountry skies and waters, for centuries it was nearly impossible for human hands to reproduce. Only indigo—a leggy green plant that emerges from the soil in bushy, tangled clumps—can generate the elusive jewel tones.

In Beaufort County and elsewhere in the Lowcountry of South Carolina and Georgia, blue had the power to protect enslaved Africans and their descendants, known as the Gullah Geechee, from evil spirits. But the color was also the source of incomparable suffering. Indigo helped spur the 18th-century transatlantic trade, resulting in the enslavement of thousands.

The town of Beaufort, the county seat of the eponymous Lowcountry district, is accented in blue. The elegant riverside town was one of the South’s wealthiest before the Civil War, and one of the few left standing by the Union Army, which set up a base of operations here after its residents skipped town in the Great Skedaddle of 1861.

Natural indigo dyes are having a resurgence in Beaufort, South Carolina. Heather Hodges / GGCHC

Dozens of antebellum mansions still line the streets, restored to the opulence of their plantation days. The ceilings of their broad summer porches are painted almost universally in just one color: a soft, robin’s egg blue.

This “haint blue,” first derived from the dye produced on Lowcountry indigo plantations, was originally used by enslaved Africans, and later by the Gullah Geechee, to combat “haints” and “boo hags”—evil spirits who escaped their human forms at night to paralyze, injure, ride (the way a person might ride a horse), or even kill innocent victims. The color was said to trick haints into believing that they’ve stumbled into water (which they cannot cross) or sky (which will lead them farther from the victims they seek). Blue glass bottles were also hung in trees to trap the malevolent marauders.

Blue glass bottles are another haint deterrent. Bob Pardue, SC / Alamy

While “haint blue” has taken on a life of its own outside the Gullah Geechee tradition—it’s currently sold by major paint companies like Sherwin-Williams, and marketed to well-to-do Southerners as a pretty color for a proper porch ceiling—the significance of the color to the descendents of the Lowcountry’s enslaved people still remains.

In Rantowles, a hamlet 14 miles south of Charleston, Gullah families like Alphonso Brown’s painted their homes in haint blue not just because it is customary, but because they fear the havoc that evil spirits might wreak if they abandoned the tradition.

Yet not all Gullah Geechee identify with the color’s use. Oral histories recorded as late as the 1930s and 󈧬s mention haint blue, but a lot was lost when the community became less isolated and more spread out during the mid-20th century.

“Haint blue was never mentioned in my family on Hilton Head Island,” says Louise Miller Cohen, founder of the island’s Gullah Museum. “People are saying that we paint our houses blue to ward off the evil spirits. If that was true, all the houses on the island would be painted blue.” Nevertheless, the museum—once the home where her father lived—is painted blue.

Paint companies like Sherwin-Williams market haint blue to well-to-do Southerners, as a pretty color for porches. Odyssey inspirations / Alamy

“Indigo dye is deeply rooted in African culture,” says Heather Hodges, executive director of the Gullah Geechee Cultural Heritage Corridor National Heritage Area. So “is the symbolic use of the color blue to ward off ‘evil spirits.”

I hendes bog Red, White, and Black Make Blue, Andrea Feeser describes West African spiritual traditions that included wearing blue beads or clothing for protection. “Fetishes,” powerful amulets made out of everyday objects, also often contained blue materials.

In some cultures, indigo itself has spiritual significance. I Blue Alchemy, director and producer Mary Lance’s film about indigo around the world, women at a Nigerian workshop are documented delivering a prayer to the Yoruba indigo deity Iyamapo.

Haints and boo hags, too, stem from African spiritual traditions—a spirituality in which conjure and color symbolism are essential, according to Rituals of Resistance, Jason R. Young’s book on African-Atlantic religion. Root workers, practitioners of these rituals who often go by the title Dr. Buzzard, were among those forced across the ocean in bondage.

Indigo was first planted in South Carolina in 1739. Less than 30 years later, the colony was annually exporting a million pounds of indigo dyestuffs. Florilegius / Alamy

Almost 300 years after their arrival, there aren’t many Dr. Buzzards left in South Carolina and Georgia. (There are a few, however, including a root worker in Atlanta whose grandparents chose him to train in their spiritual traditions. “I went to live with them when I was a year-and-a-half [old],” he says. “I was 16 when I quit school to do voodoo full time.”)

Yet within recent memory, Lowcountry root workers weren’t so hard to find. In the 1940s, Dr. Buzzard (aka Stepney Robinson) was a fixture at the Beaufort County Courthouse, where he sat at trials “chewing the root” to sway a judge’s ruling. In the 1980s, another Dr. Buzzard (aka Ernest Bratton) shot to fame with his video “Voo Doo, Hoo Doo, You Do,” appearing on Late Night with David Letterman og The Oprah Winfrey Show.

Root workers may have mostly moved on from Beaufort County, but HooDoo beliefs still remain. So does the significance of indigo and the color blue in shaping the Gullah Geechee community. Among their ancestors were over 70,000 men, women, and children brought from West and Central Africa to provide the labor required for the South’s roughly 40-year foray into the plant’s growth and production of indigo dye, according to Young’s book.

Indigo was first planted in South Carolina in 1739. Less than 30 years later, the colony was annually exporting a million pounds of indigo dyestuffs. Today they would be worth more than $30 million a year. At least some of the knowledge for processing indigo dye came from the enslaved themselves: Indigo traditions in West and Central Africa are at least five centuries old.

In Kano, Nigeria, indigo dye pits dating back to 1498 are still in use today. AMINU ABUBAKAR / AFP via Getty Images

At the Nigerian workshop Lance features in her documentary, the plant is pounded with sticks that remove and crush the leaves, which are then formed into balls. The balls are sprinkled with wood ash, then left to dry for seven days before being combined with water in dye pits. In Kano, Nigeria, pits dating back to 1498 are still in use today.

South Carolina’s indigo production came to an abrupt halt at the end of the Revolutionary War. “The people in South Carolina were producing indigo exclusively for the British market,” says Lance. “So when [the United States] was no longer a British colony, they no longer had that market anymore.”

By the mid-19th century, when synthetic blue dye became available, indigo almost disappeared from Beaufort County and the rest of the Lowcountry. Næsten. Now a Gullah Geechee movement to reclaim indigo and the blue dye it produces is afoot.

As a child, Cohen played among the remnant indigo planted by her enslaved ancestors. In 2016, she planted her first seeds at the museum.

By the mid-19th century, when synthetic blue dye became available, indigo almost disappeared from Beaufort County and the rest of the Lowcountry. Næsten. Heather Hodges / GGCHC

“The species that we grow have a peach-color flower,” she explains. Her hope is to grow enough of the plants to be able to process and produce dye to use in local workshops, strengthening her community’s connection to their ancestral past. “I’m interested in learning all I can about the crops that caused my people [the] loss of their freedom,” she says.

Cohen’s sentiment has blossomed elsewhere in the Lowcountry too. Though there aren’t many artisans around who know how to dye with indigo, Hodges says that the color “is widely used by Gullah Geechee visual artists and filmmakers as a way of expressing their shared Gullah Geechee heritage and history with indigo cultivation.” The film Daughters of the Dust the novel Sassafrass, Cypress & Indigo [sic] by Ntozake Shange and the artwork of Diane Britton Dunham all feature indigo or the color blue.

Hodges’ organization is in the midst of a year of events that introduce community members to the craft. The reintroduction of natural indigo dyes, she says, has sparked a lot of enthusiasm.

A Gullah Geechee movement to reclaim indigo and the blue dye it produces is afoot. Heather Hodges / GGCHC

“Many of the West African techniques involve wax, starch, and stitch-resist techniques, sometimes using stamps,” says Hodges. “That can be difficult to teach. [But] we just did a popular workshop that encouraged people to dye African head wraps and scarves as a way of incorporating African cultural expressions.”

But as indigo undergoes a resurgence in the Lowcountry, along with other traditions including the Gullah language and foodways, the community hasn’t forgotten the inhumane conditions that led to their arrival and early life in the South.

“If [reparations were]* attached to indigo,” says Cohen, meaning if indigo were part of the discussion regarding what the Gullah Geechee are owed for the horrors their ancestors endured, “they would do everything possible to keep the word from ever being mentioned.”

* Correction: This quote was updated to correct a misstatement. “Repatriation” was changed to “reparations.”


Presenting the Newly Renamed Ernest E. Moore Shock Trauma Center at Denver Health

Denver, Colo, July 10, 2018 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Denver Health will be hosting a dedication ceremony today to celebrate the formal renaming of our Level 1 Trauma Center to the Ernest E. Moore Shock Trauma Center, in recognition of Ernest E. ‘Gene’ Moore, M.D.

Denver Mayor Michael Hancock shares in the excitement of this announcement. “Having grown up here in Denver, I know that Denver Health has a long history of providing our residents with some of the most advanced trauma care,” Hancock said. “The people of Denver and the patients of Denver Health are fortunate to have Dr. Moore and the Ernest E. Moore Shock Trauma Center available to those who need it.”

Since the opening of Denver Health in 1860, the trauma center has remained a pioneer in trauma care. Under the leadership of Dr. Moore, the former Denver Health Rocky Mountain Regional Trauma Center has become nationally and internationally recognized for innovative care of the injured patient.

“Dr. Moore began at Denver Health in 1976. Over the course of his career he literally wrote the book on trauma, co-authoring and editing the textbook Trauma and the Journal of Trauma and Acute Care Surgery,” said Robin Wittenstein, Ed.D., FACHE, chief executive officer of Denver Health. “He has become an internationally recognized leader and innovator in the field of trauma surgery. Dr. Moore possesses the unique ability to combine cutting-edge trauma surgery, dedication to trauma care and research, and compassion for patients. These are just a few of the many reasons why the newly renamed Ernest E. Moore Shock Trauma Center at Denver Health remains one of the most successful trauma centers in the country.”

The Level 1 Trauma Center at Denver Health treats more than 18,000 patients annually, admitting more than 2,700 trauma patients each year and receiving transfers from more than 60 regional hospitals across six states. We are proud to now bear the name of Dr. Ernest E. Moore on the trauma center which he helped shape and develop into a world-class facility.

About Denver Health
Denver Health is the safety net hospital for the Denver area. The Denver Health system, which integrates acute and emergency care with public and community health, includes the Level 1 Ernest E. Moore Shock Trauma Center, Denver’s 911 emergency medical response system, Denver Health Paramedic Division, nine family health centers, 17 school-based health centers, the Rocky Mountain Poison and Drug Center, NurseLine, Denver CARES, Denver Public Health, the Denver Health Foundation and the Rocky Mountain Center for Medical Response to Terrorism, Mass Casualties and Epidemics.


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