Henry Hetherington

Henry Hetherington

Henry Hetherington, søn af en London -skrædder, blev født i 1792. Da han var tretten år begyndte han at arbejde som lærlingprinter på Luke Hansards trykkerier. I 1820'erne blev Hetherington påvirket af Robert Owens ideer og sluttede sig til den kooperative printerforening. Han blev også aktiv i Radical Reform Association.

I 1822 startede Hetherington sit eget trykkeri- og forlagsfirma. Dette var en tid, hvor reformatorer som Richard Carlile blev fængslet for at udgive materiale, der var kritisk over for regeringen. For mennesker som Hetherington og Carlile var udgivelsen af ​​aviser og pjecer imidlertid afgørende for arbejderklassens politiske uddannelse.

I 1830'erne udgav Hetherington en række radikale aviser, herunder: The Penny Papers (1830); The Radical (1831) og Fattigmandens vogter (1831-1835). Hetherington brugte sine aviser til at kæmpe for afstemningen til arbejderklasserne. Imidlertid afviste han reformloven fra 1832: "At tale om repræsentation, i enhver form, til at være til nogen nytte for folket, er ren nonsens, medmindre folket har et hus af arbejdende mænd og repræsenterer sig selv. Dem, der laver lovene nu , og har til formål med reformforslaget at få dem alle fremover til at leve af en eller anden fortjeneste. De vil derfor, uanset hvem der vælger dem, eller hvor ofte de vælges, altid lave love for at øge overskuddet og hold prisen på arbejdskraft nede. "

I 1833 solgte Hetherington 22.000 eksemplarer om ugen af Stakkels mands værge. Hetherington blev flere gange straffet af myndighederne for disse aktiviteter. Dette omfattede en bøde ved flere lejligheder, fængslet i 1833 og 1836, og at få alle hans trykpresser beslaglagt og ødelagt i 1835. I løbet af denne periode blev Hetherington den mest betydningsfulde skikkelse i den radikale presse. William Lovett påpegede: "Da Mr. Hetherington første gang begyndte udgivelsen af Stakkels mands værge han blev etableret i Kings Gate Street, Holborn, som printer, med et rimeligt forretningsdrift, som for en tome næsten blev ødelagt af den resolutte kurs, han fulgte. For hans navn som radikal blev så modbydeligt for mange af hans kunder, at de trak deres tryk fra ham. Jeg kan huske, at jeg var til stede ved en lejlighed, da en af ​​hr. Hetheringtons kunder i en stor forretning tilbød at give ham så meget tryk, som han kunne gøre i hans lokaler, forudsat at han ville opgive sine radikale publikationer; men han nægtede adelig. Første gang dukkede han op på Bow Street for at svare på anklagen for at trykke og udgive Værge og Republikansk han sagde ærligt til magistraterne, at han var fast besluttet på at modstå en korrupt regerings bestræbelser på at undertrykke folkets stemme. "

Hetherington spillede en ledende rolle i kampagnen mod de tunge afgifter på aviser og pjecer. Denne kampagne resulterede i flere reformer i loven. I 1833, da firepenneskatten på aviser blev reduceret til en krone. Samme år blev Parlamentet enige om at fjerne afgiften på pjecer. Hans ven, RG Gammage, forklarede den vigtige rolle, Hetherington spillede i denne kamp: "I den store kamp i den ustemplede presse, hvor han bar en så iøjnefaldende del, idet han fastholdt som flere offentlige retsforfølgelser, blev hans navn et husstandsord blandt medlemmer af det radikale parti. Besat af ukueligt mod og ufleksibel vedholdenhed, trodse forfølgelse og trampe på frimærksloven havde han for sig selv opnået et ry, der fik de mere avancerede i arbejderklassen til at samle sig om ham i partiturer, nogle gange i Hans grove stærke logik slog overbevisning i hvert sind, mens hans tørre og i det væsentlige engelske humor gav den en behagelig lyst.

I sine aviser kørte Henry Hetherington mod børnearbejde, fattigloven fra 1834 og politisk korruption. Hetherington sluttede sig til William Lovett, James Watson og John Cleave for at danne London Working Man's Association (LWMA) i 1836. Hetherington, der blev LWMA's første kasserer, var med til at udarbejde et charter med politiske krav. I 1836 var Hetherington en af ​​lederne for den chartistiske bevægelse. Hetherington var en moralsk kraft Chartist og var meget kritisk over for ideerne fra Feargus O'Connor og hjalp i 1849 med at oprette den moderate Peoples Charter Union.

I 1835 de to førende ustemplede radikale aviser, Stakkels mands værge, og Politietidende, solgte flere eksemplarer på en dag, end The Times solgte hele ugen. Det blev på det tidspunkt anslået, at oplaget af førende seks ustemplede aviser nu havde nået 200.000.

I Underhuset ledede John Roebuck kampagnen mod afgifter på aviser. I 1836 havde kampagnerne deres første succes, da 4d. afgift på aviser blev reduceret til 1d. Kampagnen fortsatte, og i 1849 dannede en gruppe forlag under ledelse af Henry Hetherington og George Holyoake Newspaper Stamp Abolition Committee.

Et par måneder senere blev han syg af kolera. Efter at have fået at vide, at han skulle dø, udsendte han en erklæring: "Jeg tror, ​​at døden er en evig søvn - at jeg aldrig skal leve igen i denne eller anden verden med en bevidsthed om, at jeg er den samme identiske person, der engang levede, udførte pligterne og udøvede et menneskes funktioner .... Jeg betragter præsteskab og overtro som den største hindring for menneskelig forbedring og lykke.I løbet af mit liv har jeg efter bedste evne oprigtigt og ihærdigt afsløret og modsat mig dem , og dø med en fast overbevisning om, at sandhed, retfærdighed og frihed aldrig vil blive permanent etableret på jorden, før hver rest af præsteskab og overtro er fuldstændig ødelagt. "

Han afsluttede udsagnet med følgende ord: "Dette er mine synspunkter og principper i at afslutte en eksistens, der er tjekket med plager og fornøjelser ved et konkurrencedygtigt, forvirrende, egoistisk system; et system, hvormed de ædleste moralske og sociale ambitioner mennesket bliver ophævet af uophørlige slid og fysiske afsavn, hvorved alle mennesker er uddannet til enten at være slaver, hyklere eller kriminelle. Derfor min glødende tilknytning til principperne for den store og gode mand Robert Owen. Jeg forlod denne verden med en fast overbevisning om, at hans system er den eneste sande vej til menneskelig frigørelse. "

Henry Hetherington døde den 23. august 1849. To tusinde mennesker samledes på Kensal Green Cemetery for at hylde den mand, der havde brugt sit voksne liv på at kæmpe for sociale reformer. To af hans nære venner, George Holyoake og James Watson, talte til den store skare.

Vi, den fattige mands værge, erklærer, at vi repræsenterer de arbejdende, produktive og nyttige, men fattige klasser, som udgør et meget stort flertal af befolkningen i Storbritannien. Vi proklamerer, at nogle hundrede tusinder af de fattige har valgt os til vogteren for deres rettigheder og friheder.

At tale om repræsentation, i enhver form, til at være til nogen nytte for folket, er ren og skær nonsens, medmindre folket har et hus af arbejdende mænd og repræsenterer sig selv. De vil derfor, uanset hvem der vælger dem, eller hvor ofte de vælges, altid lave love for at øge overskuddet og holde prisen på arbejdskraft nede.

Jeg er, med mange flere af mine venner og bror Radikale, ked af at høre, at Stakkels mands værge skal ikke længere fortsættes. Det har været min førende stjerne, og jeg er ikke i tvivl om flere hundrede som mig. Jeg håber og stoler på, at når navnet og berømmelsen for sådanne mænd som Waterloos blodfarvede helt vil blive sænket i glemmebogen eller kun tænkt på med foragt, navnet på redaktøren af Stakkels mands værge vil blive fejret med glædesange. At du kan mødes med succes i din næste virksomhed, er et arbejdende mands oprigtige ønske.

Omkring klokken elleve var næsten 20.000 mænd, hovedsageligt tilhørende Union of the Working Classes, samlet på Finsbury Square. Folkets ledere bestod af fem eller seks personer, blandt dem hr. Hetherington (for nylig løsladt fra fængslet, hvor han var blevet lukket for manglende betaling af bøder for udgivelse af ustemplede øreblade), hr. Lovett og hr. Watson. Der fandt en konflikt sted mellem politiet og folket, hvoraf de førstnævnte brugte deres sult, og de sidste sten, som sårede flere af betjentene. På kort tid blev nogle personer anholdt og transporteret blandt de mest forsvarende råb til stationen.

I den store kamp i den ustemplede presse, hvor han bar en så iøjnefaldende del, idet han opretholdt som han gjorde flere regeringsforfølgelser, blev hans navn et husstandsord blandt medlemmerne af det radikale parti. Hans grove stærke logik slog overbevisning i ethvert sind, mens hans tørre og i det væsentlige engelske humor gav den en behagelig lyst.

Da Mr. Første gang dukkede han op på Bow Street for at svare på anklagen for at trykke og udgive Værge og Republikansk han sagde ærligt til magistraterne, at han var fast besluttet på at modstå en korrupt regerings bestræbelser på at undertrykke folkets stemme.

Da livet er usikkert, er det nødvendigt for alle at forberede døden; Jeg anser det derfor for en pligt for mig, før jeg forlader dette liv, skriftligt at udtrykke mine værdsatte venners tilfredshed og vejledning med mine følelser og meninger i forhold til vores fælles principper.

I første omgang, så - jeg erklærer roligt og bevidst, at jeg ikke tror på det populære begreb om en almægtig, almægtig og velvillig Gud - besidder intelligens og er bevidst om sine egne handlinger; fordi disse egenskaber involverer en sådan masse absurditeter og modsætninger, så meget grusomhed og uretfærdighed fra hans side over for den fattige og fattige del af hans skabninger - at efter min mening intet rationelt reflekterende sind efter uinteresseret undersøgelse kan give troværdighed til eksistensen af ​​et sådant væsen.

For det andet mener jeg, at døden er en evig søvn - at jeg aldrig igen skal leve i denne eller anden verden med en bevidsthed om, at jeg er den samme identiske person, der engang levede, udførte sine pligter og udøvede et menneskes funktioner .

For det tredje betragter jeg præstekunst og overtro som den største hindring for menneskelig forbedring og lykke. I løbet af mit liv har jeg efter bedste evne oprigtigt og ihærdigt afsløret og modsat mig dem og dør med en fast overbevisning om, at sandhed, retfærdighed og frihed aldrig vil blive permanent etableret på jorden, før alle rester af præsteskab og overtro er fuldstændigt ødelagt.

For det fjerde har jeg nogensinde tænkt på, at den eneste religion, der er nyttig for mennesket, udelukkende består i moralsk praksis og i den gensidige udveksling af venlige handlinger. I en sådan religion er der ikke plads til præster, og når jeg ser dem blande sig ved vores fødsler, ægteskaber og dødsfald, der foregiver at føre os sikkert gennem denne tilstand af at være til en anden og lykkeligere verden, skal enhver uinteresseret person med den mindste klogskab og dømmekraft opfatte at deres eneste mål er at forpurre folks sind ved deres uforståelige doktriner om, at de mere effektivt kan fleece de fattige vildfarne får, der lytter til deres tomme babbling og mystifikationer.

For det femte, som jeg har levet, så dør jeg, en bestemt modstander af det skændige og plyndringssystem. Jeg ønsker derfor, at mine venner deponerer mine levninger i uindviet jord, og stoler på, at de ikke vil tillade nogen præst eller præst i nogen tro at på nogen måde blande sig i min begravelse.

Dette er mine synspunkter og principper for at afslutte en eksistens, der er tjekket med plager og fornøjelser ved et konkurrencedygtigt, forvirrende, egoistisk system; et system, hvormed det ædleste menneskes moralske og sociale ambitioner ophæves af uophørlige slid og fysiske afsavn; hvorved alle mennesker faktisk er uddannet til enten at være slaver, hyklere eller kriminelle. Jeg forlod denne verden med en fast overbevisning om, at hans system er den eneste sande vej til menneskelig frigørelse.

I 1849 døde Henry Hetherington af kolera. Hetherington blev fulgt til hans grav af et stort antal venner. Fem hundrede gik i optog, og ikke mindre end to tusinde var ved graven. J. Holyoake holdt en passende adresse ved lejligheden, ligesom James Watson, en af ​​hans ældste politiske medarbejdere.


Henry Hetherington Emmerson

Henry Hetherington Emmerson (11. november 1831 - 28. august 1895), almindeligvis kendt under hans initialer H. H. Emmerson, var en engelsk maler og illustrator.

Emmerson (née Hetherington). [1] I en alder af 13 tog han til Newcastle, hvor han studerede maleri og gravering under William Bell Scott på Government School of Art. Efter cirka to et halvt år under Scotts vejledning blev Emmerson sendt til Paris for at studere i seks måneder som modtager af en præst, der havde interesseret sig for hans arbejde. Efter hans hjemkomst blev han optaget på Royal Academy i London. [1] [2]

Da han vendte tilbage til det nordlige England, boede han i Ebchester og mødte sin snart kommende kone. Emmerson var et stiftende medlem og første præsident for Bewick Club, en sammenslutning af malere og illustratorer i Newcastle, der blandt sine grundlæggere også omfattede Robert Jobling, Ralph Hedley, John Surtees og Thomas Dickinson. [2] Bemærkelsesværdige malerier af Emmerson, hvoraf nogle hang i Royal Academy, inkluderer Dronningens brev, Kritikerne, The First Suit, og Den udenlandske invasion. [2] Hans malerier af børn var talrige og velkendte, hvor flere blev gengivet og populært som graveringer. [3] I alt 58 værker af Emmerson blev udstillet på Royal Academy i løbet af hans levetid. [4]

Emmerson leverede også illustrationer til børnebøger, herunder Eftermiddagste (1880) med J. G. Sowerby og Majblomstringen (1881), begge udgivet af Frederick Warne & amp Co. Eftermiddagste, selvom godt modtaget af korrekturlæsere tiltrak lidt kontrovers, som nogle hævdede, at det var en billig derivat af Under vinduet, en populær bog fra 1879 af Kate Greenaway. [5] Greenaway betragtede selv bogen som "åbenlys piratkopiering", mens Sowerby hævdede, at illustrationerne ikke var efterligninger, men kun i samme genre. [6]

Emmerson var også kendt som en løber i sin tid. Som barn siges det at være den hurtigste i sin alder i verden, en udfordring blev lagt i Bells liv i London at stille op mod enhver dreng på hans alder og blev aldrig accepteret. [2] Emmerson var en ivrig løber selv til slutningen af ​​sit liv, samt en ivrig tilhænger af Rockcliff Football team. [1]

Emmerson blev gift med Mary Bolton fra Ebchester den 15. august 1857, og de havde fem døtre og to sønner, som begge også var kunstnere. Han døde i sit hjem i Cullercoats den 28. august 1895 i en alder af 64 år og blev begravet på Preston Cemetery i North Shields. I december 1895 blev der afholdt en udstilling af hans samlede arbejde i Newcastle. Emmerson hævdede at være af familien, der producerede digteren og filosofen Ralph Waldo Emerson, selvom biografiske detaljer offentliggjort efter hans død tyder på, at forholdet sandsynligvis var meget fjernt. [1]


Lancaster

Lancaster, amtsbyen Lancashire, ligger ved floden Lune, tre miles inde i landet fra kystbyen Morecambe, let tilgængelig fra motorvej M6 og på vej til Lake District, 20 miles mod nord. Forest of Bowland, et område med enestående naturlig skønhed, ligger øst for byen.

Lancaster har en fascinerende, varieret og gammel historie med kongelige forbindelser. Romerne etablerede en garnison på bakken ved floden. Byens første registrerede navn, Lancastre, der betyder 'romersk fort ved floden Lune' er registreret i Domesday -bogen i 1086.

Af national betydning er Lancaster Castle, en fredet bygning, der ligger i centrum af byen på en bakketop på stedet for tre på hinanden følgende romerske forter. Det er et must for enhver besøgende. Normannerne begyndte sin konstruktion i det 11. århundrede til forsvar mod skotterne, og det blev yderligere befæstet og udvidet over tid. Nogle bemærkelsesværdige tilføjelser til strukturen omfatter beholderen fra det 12. århundrede (senere hævet i højde og indhold af Elizabeth I i 1500 -tallet som et muligt forsvar mod den spanske armada) og hekse fra 1300 -tallet og tårn og port.

Der blev yderligere forstærket slottet i 1400 -tallet af John O'Gaunt, den anden hertug af Lancaster, en af ​​de mest kendte historiske skikkelser i forbindelse med byen. Begge husene i Lancaster og York var direkte efterkommere af kong Edward III (John of Gaunt var den tredje overlevende søn af Edward III) og var involveret i Rosenkrigene i sidste halvdel af 1400 -tallet.

John of Gaunt havde flere børn, legitime og illegitime, og var far til kong Henry IV - alle monarker fra Henry IV og fremefter stammer fra John of Gaunt. Lancaster har stadig tætte bånd til monarkiet, titlen hertug af Lancaster er gået gennem den kongelige linje, og dronning Elizabeth II har i øjeblikket titlen og ejer derfor hertugdømmet Lancasters jorder gennem besiddelsen af ​​titlen. Lancaster fik bystatus i 1937 på grund af sin "lange forbindelse med kronen".

Slottet har omkring tusind års rig historie. Det har været involveret i konflikt - det blev angrebet af Robert Bruce og belejret af royalister i den engelske borgerkrig ved mere end én lejlighed. Bonnie Prince Charlie rapporteres at have opholdt sig i Lancaster under Jacobite -opstanden i 1745.

Slottet har en lang retshistorie. De berygtede Pendle -hekse blev holdt og prøvet her i 1612. For nylig blev Birmingham Pub Bombers prøvet her i 1975, for da fængslet og retsbygningen er i samme bygning, var der mindre chance for at de blev 'sprunget'.

Crown Court er den ældste arbejdende retssal i Storbritannien, og er stadig en arbejdsret og fængsel – åbningstider afhænger af, hvornår Crown Court sidder. Et stort antal mennesker blev dømt af domstolene og modtog straf som fængsel, bøder, blev dømt til døden og mellem 1788 og 1868 transport til straffekolonierne, hovedsageligt Australien.

Retten på slottet uddelte flere dødsdomme end nogen anden i landet. Byen fik tilnavnet 'Hanging Town'. Henrettelser var hyppige, og fra begyndelsen af ​​1800 -tallet fandt sted uden for borgmurene, ofte med folkemængder på mere end 5000 forsamlinger for at overvære skuespillet. Inden denne periode måtte de dømte (og mængden) komme igennem byen (via et hostel for at få en sidste drink med familie og venner) til Gallows Hill.

Den dejlige Priory -kirke St Mary står på Castle Hill. Det blev etableret i 1094 og var engang et benediktinsk priory, som blev lukket i 1539 af Henry VIII. Kirken er hovedsageligt fra det 15. århundrede og er åben for besøgende.

Mod slutningen af ​​1600 -tallet begyndte Lancasters formuer at blive bedre. River Lune var dyb, så havgående fartøjer kunne navigere op ad floden, og da den var på den vestlige side af landet, var den godt placeret til at drage fordel af væksten af ​​kolonier i Vestindien og Nordamerika. Byen begyndte at blomstre, havnen blev en af ​​de travleste i Storbritannien og importerede varer som sukker, mahogni og tobak og blev den fjerde vigtigste i slavehandlen. Mange bygninger opstod i byen. Der er mange fine georgianske bygninger i byens centrum og langs den elegante trækantede St Georges Quay.

Lancaster er en lille by, og da den er kompakt, let at udforske. Der er en række forskellige museer - bymuseet på markedspladsen (i det gamle rådhus), dommernes logi, dukkemuseum og det maritime museum for blot at nævne nogle få.

Desværre begyndte floden Lune at siltes op, og Lancasters maritime storhedstid var temmelig kortvarig. I dag er Heysham hovedhavnen for distriktet. Victorianerne startede udviklingen af ​​Morecambe som en badeby.

I dag er Lancaster en blomstrende og levende universitetsby, der byder på mange gratis kunst- og musikfestivaler hele året rundt. Grand Theatre, et af landets ældste arbejdsteatre (med spøgelse i bopæl!) Rummer mange nationale og lokale produktioner.

Udendørs aktiviteter for familien omfatter dejlige Williamsons Park, domineret af det kuplede Ashton Memorial, Lancaster Canal, der løber gennem byen, River Lune Millennium Park med dets usædvanlige kunstværker, Lancaster Leisure Park og længere væk, Morecambe og Morecambe Bay, Forest of Bowland og Lake District.

Museums
Se vores interaktive kort over museer i Storbritannien for detaljer om lokale gallerier og museer.

Romerske steder
Prøv vores interaktive kort over romerske steder i Storbritannien for at gennemse vores store database med synlige romerske rester.

Slotte i England
Prøv vores interaktive kort over slotte i England for at se mere end 200 slotte over hele landet.

Kommer hertil
Lancaster er let tilgængeligt med både vej og jernbane. Prøv vores rejseguide i Storbritannien for yderligere information.


Ser man på historie

Hetherington [1] blev født i Compton Street, Soho, London, den ældste af de tre børn af John Hetherington, en skrædder. Han kan have været Henry John William Hetherington døbt i St Anne ’s, Soho, den 1. september 1792, i hvilket tilfælde hans mor sandsynligvis var Elizabeth Rundle, der havde giftet sig med en John Hetherington i samme kirke den 18. juni 1789. Lidt er kendt om hans tidlige liv. I en alder af tretten blev Hetherington i lære hos Luke Hansard, den parlamentariske printer. I 1811 giftede han sig, og efterfølgende fik han og hans kone ni børn. I en periode arbejdede han som printer i Belgien. Omkring 1815 vendte han tilbage til London og etablerede en trykkerivirksomhed på Kingsgate Street, nær Holborn. Han blev der indtil begyndelsen af ​​1834, da han flyttede sin forretning til Strand. I løbet af de sidste femten år af sit liv arbejdede og boede han på to andre steder i det centrale London.

Hetherington's karriere som journalist tog form i 1820'erne. Han blev aktiv i London Mechanics ’ Institution og i organisationer, der støttede Robert Owens ideer, herunder Co-operative and Economical Society, dannet i 1821, og British Association for Promoting Co-operative Knowledge, som blev grundlagt i 1829 Hetherington tog også op til årsagen til almindelig stemmeret og søgte at tilføre den en vision om økonomisk og social retfærdighed. Da hans synspunkter blev mere og mere radikale, fordybede han sig i den politiske kultur i arbejderklassen London. Han blev aktiv i tre organisationer, som alle var engageret i kampen for politisk demokrati: Radical Reform Association, ledet af Henry Hunt Metropolitan Political Union, hvis råd Hetherington fungerede i og National Union of the Work Classes, der modsatte sig whig Reform Bill fra 1832, fordi den ikke gav mulighed for almindelig stemmeret. I løbet af 1820'erne var Hetherington lidt kendt. Han udgav flere radikale traktater og pjecer, men ingen vandt ham særlig opmærksomhed. Derefter, i oktober 1830, tog han den årsag op, som hans navn altid vil blive identificeret med: en ørepresse. Spørgsmålet involverede ophævelse af afgifterne på aviser og andet trykt materiale, som først var blevet pålagt i 1712. Disse afgifter var blevet mere byrdefulde siden 1819, hvor den 4de avistold blev anvendt på alle tidsskrifter, der blev udstedt regelmæssigt. For Hetherington blev ‘afgifterne på viden ’ det afgørende spørgsmål i hans karriere, fordi han mente, at de uretfærdigt straffede de fattige og forhindrede fremskridt inden for politisk og økonomisk viden. Han begyndte at udgive ugentlige ustemplede tidsskrifter, som var ulovlige. Den mest berømte og vigtige af disse var Poor Man ’s Guardian, der først blev udstedt i juli 1831, i ‘ lovforsvarets “ lov ” for at prøve magten i “right ” mod “might ” ‘ . Det forblev i omløb indtil december 1835.

Fra 1831 deltog Hetherington i storskala politisk krigsførelse mod Whig-regeringen. Han hyrede butiksejere og gadesælgere til at sælge Poor Man ’s Guardian og hans andre ulovlige papirer, som omfattede republikaneren (1831 𔃀), ‘Destructive ’ og Poor Man ’s Conservative (1833 𔃂), og Hetherington ’s Twopenny Dispatch, og People ’s Police Register (1834 𔃄). Han anvendte forskellige ulemper ved distributionen af ​​disse papirer, herunder fysiske forklædninger og sammensætning af dummy -løb. Han holdt også talrige taler til grupper af radikaler i London, de engelske provinser og Skotland, og hånede myndighederne for at opretholde et system med ulighed mellem rige og fattige. Gentagne gange angreb han ‘ gammel korruption ’ og appellerede til en vagt defineret arbejderklassebevidsthed baseret på en påstået dikotomi mellem flittige producenter og inaktive forbrugere. Hetherington blev flere gange retsforfulgt for opførende injurier og salg af ustemplede aviser. Han fik en bøde, fik beslaglagt sine presser, og ved tre lejligheder mellem 1831 og 1836 blev han fængslet. Han tilbragte i alt omkring seksten måneder i King ’s Bench -fængslet og i det nye fængsel, Clerkenwell. Ved sine retssager forsvarede Hetherington sig kraftigt og udskrev billige ordret beretninger om hans juridiske kampe. Andre radikale journalister fulgte hans spor, og mellem 1830 og 1836, da den 4de frimærketold blev reduceret til en krone, blev der udgivet mere end 500 ustemplede periodiske titler. Hundredvis af gadesælgere blev også fængslet for at distribuere ulovlige papirer. Hetherington dannede tætte venskaber med andre radikale reformatorer fra arbejderklassen under denne krig i ustemplet ’, især James Watson og William Lovett. Mens han lavede lidt selv, lejede Hetherington talentfulde redaktører til sine tidsskrifter, herunder Bronterre O ’Brien (Poor Man ’s Guardian) og William J. Linton (The Odd Fellow).

Efter 1836 forblev Hetherington en stærk fortaler for almen stemmeret og økonomisk samarbejde. Han begyndte også at kæmpe for mere almindelige reformspørgsmål, såsom ophævelse af majslovgivningen og afholdelseslovgivning. Sammen med Watson, Lovett og andre arbejderreformere blev han leder af den moderate ‘knowledge ’ fløj i den chartistiske bevægelse, der opstod i 1837. Han var grundlægger af London Working Men ’s Association, som fremmede selvreformation og ‘mart af intellekt ’ som et alternativ til politisk revolution. Hetherington turnerede i byer og byer i hele landet som en ‘missionær ’ på vegne af foreningen og hjalp med at opbygge lokale Chartist -organisationer. I 1839 blev han valgt til at repræsentere London og Stockport ved det første Chartist -stævne. Han angreb senere Feargus O ’Connor ’s National Charter Association og gik ind for sammensmeltning af ‘moralske ’ og ‘fysiske ’ vinger af Chartisme. Han var aktiv ved Complete Suffrage -konferencerne i 1842 til støtte for dette mål. Hetherington arbejdede også tæt sammen med Lovett, W.J. Linton, Thomas Cooper og andre reformatorer for at fremme arbejderklassers litteratur og temperamentsaktiviteter på John Street Institute i London og andre steder. I 1840'erne tog han internationale årsager til sig, for eksempel at støtte de franske revolutionære i 1848 og Giuseppe Mazzinis bestræbelser, den italienske nationalist, på at få til at forene Italien. Han var aktiv i People ’s International League, en organisation, der modsatte sig Karl Marx radikale ideer.

Hetherington ’s sidste år blev domineret af endnu en årsag. Dette var religiøs fritænkning, som han havde været fortaler for siden 1820'erne. På det tidspunkt havde han været involveret i en organisation af fritænkende kristne, der gik ind for en radikal unitarisme. Efter at være blevet fordrevet af gruppen i 1828, overtog han en modificeret rationalistisk trosbekendelse baseret på ideerne om primitiv kristendom. I 1840 blev Hetherington tiltalt for blasfemi, efter at han havde udgivet en billig udgave af C.J. Haslam ’s Letters to the Clergy of All Denominations. Dette var en gratis handling fra Whig -regeringen Hetherington støttede ikke specifikt ideerne i bogen, som stort set var et angreb på Det Gamle Testamente. Ved sin veloplyste retssag kæmpede Hetherington energisk for årsagen til religionsfrihed, men han blev dømt og sendt i fængsel i fire måneder. To år senere, i 1843, genoptrykte han en pjece, Cheap Salvation eller, en modgift til præsteskibe, som han først havde skrevet i 1832. I den fremstillede han sagen for et ‘Christ of Church ’, blottet for overtro og præsteskab . I sin sidste vilje og testamente, udgivet lige før hans død i 1849 af George Jacob Holyoake og en gruppe sekularister, bekræftede han igen sin tro på rationel religion og anmodede om, at han blev begravet i uindviet jord.

Hetherington besad nogle af de mangler, der er fælles for den selvuddannede håndværker: mangel på humor, et strejf af selvretfærdighed og en tendens til at sidestille personlig moral med politisk overbevisning. Francis Place, en allieret, kritiserede ham for at være en af ​​de mænd, hvis særegenheder passer dem til martyrer ’ [2]. Andre reformatorer, som han skændtes med, såsom Richard Carlile, var endnu hårdere i deres kritik. Men i eftertid er det måske bedst at se Hetherington som en mand med ægte overbevisning og mod, der ofrede et stykke personlig komfort for sin tro. Han var ikke en original tænker, men som et symbol på samvittighed i lyset af mange politiske forhindringer truede han stort i arbejderradikalismens historie. I løbet af hans sidste år faldt Hetherington stærkt i gæld. Otte af hans ni børn var død før ham, og kun hans kone og en søn, David, overlevede ham. I 1849 blev Hetherington offer for kolera. Ud fra personlig overbevisning undgik han al medicinsk behandling næsten helt sikkert for at forhindre spredning af sygdommen. Han døde på 57 Judd Street, Hanover Square, London, den 24. august 1849 og blev begravet på Kensal Green kirkegård to dage senere. Omkring to tusinde venner og beundrere deltog i gudstjenesten, som bestod af taler af radikale og fritænkere. Ingen præst var til stede ved begravelsen. Passende nok var ligvognen, der transporterede Hetherington ’s lig til kirkegården, præget af hans egne ord: ‘Vi burde forsøge at forlade verden bedre, end vi fandt den. ’

[1] Kilder: AG Barker Henry Hetherington, 1792 �, 1938, WJ Linton James Watson, 1880 og RG Gammage History of the Chartist movement, 1837 �, ny udgave, 1894. Arkiver: Public Record Office: Home Office MSS, 64/11 og 64/12 og British Library, Francis Place -samling.


10 frygtelige skatter i historien

Skatter er blevet forsøgt på hytter, tændstikker, på vinduer og på trængere, og gennem historien har været årsag til talrige optøjer og oprør. Her diskuterer Martin Daunton nogle af de mest upopulære skatteformer i britisk historie.

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Udgivet: 11. december 2018 kl. 10:00

Afstemningsafgiften (1377)

Afstemningsafgiften, der først blev brugt i vid udstrækning i England i 1377 til 4d pr. Indbygger, var designet til at give kronen en mere stabil omsætning end skatter på ejendom, jord og varer. The tax was highly unpopular, for everyone paid the same, regardless of their means. The situation was made still worse by exemptions granted to children on the basis that girls were virgins – leading John Legge, serjeant at law, to carry out public examinations.

In 1380 the levy was three times higher than previously, and in East Anglia, where attempts to enforce collection were rigorous, opposition to the tax was fierce. What came to be known as the Peasants’ Revolt began in Essex and culminated in Wat Tyler’s march on London in 1381. The rebels proclaimed their loyalty to the king, but claimed that they suffered unjust taxation and oppression by royal officials and local law officers. The rebellion was crushed, and Tyler was executed.

But it was not entirely a lost cause. Serjeant Legge was also executed the arrears of tax were written off and the speaker of the House of Commons, Sir Richard Waldegrave, who had himself been a tax collector in Essex, denounced “dishonest, greedy and violent officials”.

The excise crisis (1733/34)

Britain was at war with France for most of the 18th century. The conflict was costly, and increased levels of taxation could potentially lead to political unrest.

From the Glorious Revolution of 1688 the crown needed permission from parliament to levy taxes, and annual parliaments have been held every year since. Traditionally, taxes were levied on imports and exports into the country, which led to running battles with smugglers. Landowners paid a tax on their property, but since they controlled parliament the land tax was not increased in line with their incomes. As a result, the government became more dependent on excise duties on domestically produced goods such as beer, spirits and glass – with each tax being voted on by parliament.

The politics of this situation were fraught, and exploded in 1733/4. Taxes were used to pay interest on the national debt incurred to fight wars. Payment was in the hands of the Bank of England, and country gentry and small merchants feared that the Bank was a bastion of the moneyed interest sucking the blood from real Englishmen. Jonathan Swift complained in 1710 that “Power which… used to follow Land, is now gone over to Money”. They also feared that Sir Robert Walpole, prime minister, was seeking independence from parliament by introducing a general excise, a tax on all goods in the country.

Commercial interests facing higher taxation united with gentry who feared the emergence of great financiers and landed oligarchs, and dreaded the loss of the freedoms of parliament. In reality, Walpole had not proposed a general excise but the outcry meant that limits were set on taxation, and the privileges of parliament were reinforced. The excise crisis of 1733/4 was a central event in defining the British state.

Window tax (1696)

In addition to taxes on land, customs duties, and the excise, there was a fourth type of extraction: the ‘assessed taxes’. These taxes fell on conspicuous consumption whose whole point was to be visible, such as riding horses (rather than farm horses) male servants (rather than female domestics) powder for wigs worn by gentlemen and windows, which were taxed from 1696. Rich members of society were willing to show their disregard for the tax by flaunting their windows others evaded the tax by bricking them up. ‘Blind’ windows are still a feature of English houses, long after the tax was abolished in 1851.

The income tax (1799)

The land tax extracted a fixed sum of money, and did not rise to reflect the increased value of land in the 18th century. As a result, more of the burden of providing the government with sufficient revenue fell on excise tax. Yet this could not make up the shortfall: the immense cost of the wars with revolutionary France meant that another way was needed to extract money from landowners prospering as a result of the demand for food and raw materials from their estates.

In 1798 the prime minister, William Pitt, tried to secure more money through the ‘triple assessment’, that is increasing the assessed taxes as a form of tax on income, and asking under-taxed landowners to make a voluntary contribution. Neither produced sufficient revenue for the war, and in 1799 Pitt turned to that most terrible of taxes: the income tax.

The income tax was a wartime measure. It expired when peace was signed in 1802, only to return when hostilities resumed in 1803. The radical politician Francis Burdett was clear: “The income tax has created an inquisitorial power of the most partial offensive and cruel nature… The repeal of this tax is not a sufficient remedy for its infamy its principle must be stigmatised and branded.”

The force of Burdett’s complaint was reduced because collection and assessment of the taxes was performed by commissioners drawn from the local community who were part of the tax-paying public, rather than state bureaucrats they already collected the land and assessed taxes from their neighbours.

But in 1814, the Board of Inland Revenue took a disastrous step: it suspended the commissioners in the City of London on the grounds that they were colluding in tax evasion. Here was an attack on the liberty of citizens. Such was the hostility that “like the office of hangman, none but the refuse of society could be induced to take the appointment” of tax collector. Income tax could not continue after the war and expired in 1816. All the administrative records were burned so that it would never again be introduced.

The loss of income tax revenue and failure to increase the land tax meant that rich landowners escaped their fair contribution while consumers and industrialists were more heavily taxed to pay the costs of the national debt. The result was radical outrage. The income tax offered the rich an insurance policy against attacks on their position, and so returned in 1842 on a temporary basis. It has survived ever since.

The revenue from the income tax allowed a reduction in customs and excise duties on tea, sugar and tobacco, enabling the poor to share in the benefits of commerce and industry. So, rather than an engine of oppression, the income tax came to be accepted as a sign that British society was fair and inclusive.

Taxes on knowledge (1815)

After the Napoleonic wars, the British state was attacked by radicals as a ‘tax-eater’, taking money from the poor to give it to the rich. In order to stifle popular protests, in 1815 the government increased tax on newspapers to 4d, taking them out of reach of the poor and stopping (so it was hoped) the spread of radical criticism. If anything, it had the opposite effect.

In 1830, the radical Henry Hetherington started his Penny Papers for the People, which was succeeded by the Poor Man’s Guardian in 1831. Hetherington mounted an open attack on the tax, proudly proclaiming that his paper was seeking to overturn the ‘tax on knowledge’. The tax was counterproductive, hitting respectable as well as ‘seditious’ publications. Worried conservatives therefore argued for a reduction, as did middle-class reformers and free traders, who believed that a free trade in print was a much better way of securing social harmony. The Association for the Promotion of the Repeal of Taxes on Knowledge mounted a campaign which finally succeeded in abolishing the tax in 1855.

The corn laws (1815)

The profits of landowners were protected by the imposition of a duty on imported corn in 1815.

During the 18th century, the tax had worked reasonably well in securing stable supply and reasonable prices for both consumers and producers: when the price of grain fell, the government imposed a higher duty on imports to maintain domestic prices, and offered farmers an export bounty when the price of grain rose, it reduced duty to encourage imports.

But the tax of 1815 seemed selfish and extortionate, designed to maintain high wartime profits and prices for landowners who were not paying sufficient taxes. Critics argued that food security should now be guaranteed not by protecting domestic producers but by encouraging free trade in grain from overseas. In 1838, the Anti-Corn Law League under the leadership of Richard Cobden and John Bright mounted a campaign for repeal, the greatest mass movement of the time.

When he announced the repeal of the corn laws in 1846, Robert Peel followed the sentiments he expressed when introducing the income tax in 1842: to elevate the social conditions of the people, and to “frame its legislation upon the principle of equity and justice” which would guarantee social harmony and political stability.

The match tax (1871)

Robert Lowe, the chancellor of the exchequer, proposed a new duty on matches in 1871. Each box was to bear a stamp, with the image of a flame and the words Ex luce lucellum – or ‘from light, a little gain’. The joke, remarked one Liberal politician, might “divert a college common room”, but the thought of Oxford dons smiling over a tax on the poor was bad politics.

A leading economist rallied to the defence of the tax, arguing that the poor should contribute to the state in proportion to their means. If they did not, surely taxes would fall on capital which would flee to foreign countries and so lead to unemployment. Such arguments were no match for the bad politics of Latin puns, and the tax was abandoned in a matter of weeks. Bryant and May, the great match manufacturer, erected a celebratory drinking fountain on Bow Road to mark the defeat of the tax.

The hut tax (1898)

Victorian Britain was an imperial power: it could reduce taxation at home and increase it for those who did not vote at Westminster. Consequently, much of the burden of paying off the national debt passed to the inhabitants of India or Africa. The inequity of these taxes – falling, as they did, on a necessity of life for the poor – could be exploited by nationalists such as Gandhi, who led marches against the salt tax. They also led to violence in Africa.

Huts were visible and easily counted. What’s more, the need to pay a tax in money would force natives to create a commercial, capitalist economy. Many Africans, however, had no desire to give up their traditional way of life or to pay a tax to the imperial power – especially as they paid a higher proportion of their income in taxes than European settlers and companies, who paid little or nothing. As a result, the hut tax was often collected through brutality and force.

Not surprisingly, the hut tax and its wider implications for social and economic structures led to periodic resistance, such as the ‘hut tax war’ in Sierra Leone in 1898 and the rising of the Zulus in 1907. At the Colonial Office, Churchill criticised the “disgusting butchery of natives” that made Natal “the hooligan of the British empire”.

Selective Employment Tax (1964)

Taxes are not only a means of raising revenue for war and welfare, public order and administration. They can also be used to shape the economy and society. The hut tax was an extreme form of social engineering. The selective employment tax was another such attempt.

By the 1960s, there was widespread concern that Britain’s rate of economic growth was falling behind that of its neighbours in Europe, as well as Japan. In response, the new Labour government of 1964 hatched a national plan to raise the rate of growth to five per cent per annum.

According to government economic advisor Nicholas Kaldor, an obvious reason for Britain’s low rate of economic growth was that the country had already gone through a major structural change with the movement of people from the land to industry. Productivity could be raised in industry by contrast, services could not raise their productivity. Furthermore, goods were taxed through the purchase tax, which had been introduced during the war, whereas services were not covered, and these formed an increasing share of total consumption.

Kaldor’s solution was a tax on employment in the service sector, introduced in 1966. It would check the movement of labour into services and make industry more competitive. The most that Labour politicians could say for it was that it was not the Value Added Tax, another way of taxing spending on services which was widely seen as a burden on the poor. The Conservatives derided the Selective Employment Tax as a sign that Labour was wedded to a “ludicrously old-fashioned view of the structure of our economy”. They abolished the tax in 1972 and announced the adoption of VAT, marking a move from direct taxes on income that had existed since 1842.

Poll tax, mark II (1990)

In the second half of the 1980s, the government of Mrs Thatcher devised a flat-rate tax to cover the costs of local government and to replace the existing property tax or rates paid on each house. It was very soon named by its opponents as the poll tax.

The rationale of the poll tax conjured up a particular nightmare: each adult member of a large family living in a modest house had a vote but had a rebate on the rates, and received large benefits, with no incentive to vote for cheap government. A poor widow living next door paid her rates, had only one vote, and supported her neighbours in their wastrel ways. Should not the poor contribute to the costs of the state? The answer was to oblige each adult to pay a flat-rate poll tax which would make them act in a prudent and responsible manner, and vote for cheaper government. When the tax was imposed in 1990, the myth of the poor widow was soon replaced by another equally emotional claim: that a wealthy duke living in his stately home paid the same poll tax as a poor resident in the estate village.

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The tax was widely seen as unjust, and many refused to pay. The All-Britain Anti-Poll Tax Federation march in London on 31 March 1990 became a full-scale riot and Mrs Thatcher complained that “law-abiding, decent people” were in league with the “mob”. Many in her own party feared that she was responsible for this unholy alliance as a result of her rigidity. She fell in 1990 – and the new government of John Major soon came up with a graduated council tax. The moral of the tale is that a moment’s thought about political consequences saves a lot of trouble and that taxes should, as Robert Peel realised, be designed to create social cohesion rather than conflict.

Martin Daunton is professor of economic history at Cambridge University.


Biography of Henry Hetherington Hastings, Dakota County, MN Biographies Henry Hetherington is a native of Ireland, born January 1st, 1825. At an early age he immigrated to Upper Canada, remaining there until 1852. He then came to Point Douglas, Minnesota, thence the year following to Hastings, making a claim, on which he lived two years. Subsequently, he was made deputy sheriff of Dakota county, continuing as such five years. In 1862, enlisted in Company G, Second Minnesota Infantry, and was mustered out on account of disability at the hospital at Keokuk, Iowa, in 1863. Returning to Hastings, he remained until December of that year, then enlisted in Company F, Second Minnesota Cavalry. Was discharged for disability after one year of service. Returned again to Hastings, and was elected justice of the peace, which office he has held many years. He married Adeline Legg, of Canada, in 1846. George J., Emily S.. Ruby M., Henry F., Theresa S., Gordon R., and Christopher C. are their living children. Fra: The History of Dakota County and the City of Hastings. By J. Fletcher Williams. North Star Publishing Company. Minneapolis. 1881. Poor Man's Guardian

Bronterre O'Brien, the 'school master of Chartism', whose journalism in the Unstamped Poor Man's Guardian and then in the Northern Star taught a generation of working men to 'read' capitalism as the systematic theft of their labour (Hollis, p.296). "O'Brien, editor of the leading working class Unstamped paper, the Poor Man's Guardian , more than any other man, structured working-class perceptions of their new society. His editorials denouncing property, profit and privilege, were discussed in clubs, pubs, and classes" (Hollis, p.299).

Emblazoned on every issue was the motto "knowledge is power" (Lee, p.22).

"With the passing of the Bill [Reform Bill of 1832] the combination of political disappointment with anti capitalist notions caused vague ideas of class war to take clearer shape and become as unquestioned truths in the minds of working men. These views are already prevalent in the debates of the National Union as reported in the Poor Man's Guardian " (Hovell).

"To you-friends and brethrenyou whose cause we are advocatingwhose rights we demandwhose liberties we defend whose interests we espouseto you we now appeal, not to let us fight our perilous battle singlehanded we look to you for support we ask you not to incur danger or expensewe desire not the risk of interest or personwe ask you merely to purchase, with your weekly pennies, and 'read', and 'mark', and 'learn', and 'inwardly digest', our 'newspaper', to be called henceforward The Poor Man's Guardian which will contain 'news, intelligence, and occurrences', and 'upon matters in Church and State, tending', decidedly, 'to excite hatred and contempt of the Government and Constitution of the tyranny of this country, as BY LAW established', and also 'to vilify the ABUSES of Religion'. " (Friends, Brethren, and Fellow-Countrymen no 1, p.1).

"'Defiance is our only remedy', he [Hetherington] said in the opening page of his first number. 'we will try, step by step, the power of right against might, and we will begin by protecting and upholding this grand bulwark of all our rights, this key to all our liberties, the freedom of the pressthe press, too, of the ignorant and the poor'" (Bourne, H. R. Fox, p.56). "In 1830 [Hetherington] published a series of unstamped pamphlets, Penny Papers for the People , which in June he changed to The Poor Man's Guardian , A Weekly Newspaper for the People, Established Contrary to Law to try the Power of Might against Right . Over five hundred sellers of the paper were imprisoned for three and a half years, and Hetherington, as publisher, for six months. The working classes, and some middle-class sympathizers, combined to ensure The Poor Man's Guardian came out weekly. A whole new sales organization was built up, using cellars, tradesmen's shops, and private houses. By these means an estimated 20,000 copies were circulated throughout England each week, and most copies found many readers. " (James, p.13).

"Ideas and information, not only about politics, but about history and literature, for example, were to come for the first time within the reach of large numbers of working men through the periodical press, especially from the 1830s. In 1831, in defiance of stamp duty, Henry Hetherington brought out his weekly Poor Man's Guardian , appealing to his readers to 'circulate our paper - circulate the truths which we write, and you should be free'. Hetherington and those who sold his paper were prosecuted and gaoled" (Lawson).

Political Periodical written by and for the workers. A circulation estimate was given in the Standard (Webb, p.61). Caused more horror than Cobbett in the 1830s. Pointed out the inconsistencies in Cobbett's writings, but also said, in 10 August 1833 and 26 October 1833 issue, that he had 'established for himself a sort of prescriptive right to be inconsistent on all manner of subjects, without, at the same time, destroying his influence as an able and most useful political writer' (Webb, p.51). In a 23 July 1831 issue and a 25 January 1834 issue, William Lovett and John Cleave advertise the large number of periodicals they took in at their respective coffee houses (Webb, p.170). When commenting on the working classes in the 7 of April, 1832 issue, Poor Man's Guardian states that 'Their rulers, unfortunately for themselves, had taught them to read, and they now knew there was no actual superiority between man and man. . . . ' (Webb, p. 61). Advertised the works of Thomas Paine. Reprinted estimates of circulation of radical unstamped press in 21 September 1833 issue that had appeared first in the Standard (Webb, p.61). A 24 September 1831 issue "blasted" Henry Brougham, who is affiliated with the Edinburgh Review , for hypocrisy (Webb, p.87).

"'Why', he demanded, 'should they attempt to suppress the Poor Man's pamphlet, while they permitted others, published on a larger scale, to remain unmolested? The Literary Gazette , The Athenaeum , and many other publications were not interfered with'. Undeterred, Hetherington pressed on with his Poor Man's Guardian , an eight page weekly, price one penny, and bearing the mottos, 'Liberty of the Press' and 'Knowledge is Power'. Its first editorial was an open declaration of war: 'We are prepared for the fight: it is a mere legal one on the part of our persecutors, but a moral one on ours: we know that we must suffer, but we are content to do so for the benefit of our fellow creatures we have before our eyes the fatal examples of all who have ever advocated truth but we shrink not from the worst' The paper would include not only 'news, intelligence and occurences' but also 'remarks and observations thereon. tending to excite hatred and contempt of the Government and Constitution of the tyranny of this country, as BY LAW established'. The Guardian had already dealt with the Church in its first issue: 'She stinks - she stinks from self corruption - she BLASPHEMES herself'. But on of the main targets was the middle class as a whole. The Guardian was naturally extremely hostile to the forthcoming Reform Bill, which it regarded as a betrayal of the people. It denounced both parties" (Cranfield).

"Published in protest of the stamp tax and vendors were often imprisoned" (Schoyen, p. 8). "Leading organ of the unstamped struggle" (Schoyen, p.290). "Of the journals which appeared to cater for the appetite for new ideas, some did not even pretend to support the Whigs. Of these, The most influential was the Poor Man's Guardian , brought out by one of Owen's disciples, Henry Hetherington. Other editors had campaigned on behalf of the poor, but none had previously identified himself with their cause--Cobbett regarded himself as a yeoman farmer, even to dressing the part. Hetherington insisted that his life was at the service of the poor--and his liberty. As they obviously could not afford to buy any paper which had to pay the fourpence stamp duty, he must defy the law, and sell his Guardian unstamped or, rather, with a mock stamp on it, beating the inscription, 'knowledge is power'. The first number appeared in the summer of 1831 and the authorities, who might have been reluctant to prosecute for the opinions expressed in it, were glad of the excuse to proceed against Hetherington on a charge off ailing to pay the stamp duty. They could not find him: he had arranged to move from town to town, bringing out the paper whenever he could persuade somebody to risk printing it, and moving on before the law caught up with him." "And in the Poor Man's Guardian , Bronterre O'Brien could look forward to the time when the workers would be able to use their power to change society-- 'a change amounting to the complete subversion of the existing order of the world. The working classes aspire to be at the top, instead of at the bottom of society--or, rather, that there should be no top or bottom at all'" (Inglis). In 1832 the publication dropped the subtitle "published contrary to law. . . " and notes that the publication is declared to be "strictly legal" before "Lord Lyndhurst and a special jury."

One source says that this title may have commenced on December 25th, 1830.

Subtitle varies: "a weekly newspaper for the people, published in defiance of 'law' to try the power of 'right' against 'might'" (1832-1834).

"Associated with the National Union of the Working Classes (King).

Source: The Waterloo Directory of English Newspapers and Periodicals: 1800-1900.

For this newspaper, we have the following titles in, or planned for, our digital archive:

This newspaper is published by an unknown publisher in London, London, England. It was digitised and first made available on the British Newspaper Archive in May 9, 2013 . The latest issues were added in Mar 16, 2017 .


Hvad Hetherington familiejournaler finder du?

There are 85,000 census records available for the last name Hetherington. Like a window into their day-to-day life, Hetherington census records can tell you where and how your ancestors worked, their level of education, veteran status, and more.

There are 17,000 immigration records available for the last name Hetherington. Passagerlister er din billet til at vide, hvornår dine forfædre ankom til Canada, og hvordan de foretog rejsen - fra skibets navn til ankomst- og afgangshavne.

There are 7,000 military records available for the last name Hetherington. For the veterans among your Hetherington ancestors, military collections provide insights into where and when they served, and even physical descriptions.

There are 85,000 census records available for the last name Hetherington. Like a window into their day-to-day life, Hetherington census records can tell you where and how your ancestors worked, their level of education, veteran status, and more.

There are 17,000 immigration records available for the last name Hetherington. Passagerlister er din billet til at vide, hvornår dine forfædre ankom til Canada, og hvordan de foretog rejsen - fra skibets navn til ankomst- og afgangshavne.

There are 7,000 military records available for the last name Hetherington. For the veterans among your Hetherington ancestors, military collections provide insights into where and when they served, and even physical descriptions.


Our changing relationship with Irtyru

By Jo Anderson, Assistant Keeper of Archaeology, Great North Museum: Hancock.

Irtyru — the mummified woman displayed in the Great North Museum: Hancock — is well known to generations of adults and children from Newcastle upon Tyne and beyond. Irtyru has been in the museum now for a very long time. Over that period, there have been many changes in how society views the display of human remains. Our historical relationship with her could be viewed as problematic, and our current relationship is proving to be just as tricky.


Henry Hetherington Chartist

Interested in Henry Hetherington Chartist? On this page, we have collected links for you, where you will receive the most necessary information about Henry Hetherington Chartist.

Henry Hetherington, 1792 - 1849 chartist ancestors

    http://www.chartistancestors.co.uk/henry-hetherington-1792-1849/
    Henry Hetherington represented both London and Stockport in the General Convention of the Industrious Classes (the First Chartist Convention), and was one of 12 delegates whose portrait (left) was drawn for The Charter newspaper. Hetherington was one of the most significant and respected figures in London radicalism in the 1830s.

Henry Hetherington Humanist Heritage

    https://humanistheritage.org.uk/articles/Henry-Hetherington/
    Henry Hetherington was a follower of Robert Owen and a prominent Chartist. The son of a London tailor he began work at 13 as an apprentice at Hansard’s printing works, and in 1810 as a shopman for Richard Carlile, as well as in Belgium. In the 1820s he was influenced by the ideas of Robert Owen and joined the Co-operative Printers Association.

Henry Hetherington Abuse Wiki Fandom

    https://abuse.wikia.org/wiki/Henry_Hetherington
    Henry Hetherington (17 June 1792 – 23 August 1849) was a leading British Chartist. 1 Early years 2 Printer 3 Leading Chartist 4 Demise 5 Organisations with which Hetherington was involved 6 Hetherington in print 6.1 Pamphlets and leaflets 6.2 Articles and letters 6.3 Speeches 7 External links Henry Hetherington was the son of a London tailor, John Hetherington (1770 to 6 November 1806), …

Henry Hethrington and the Defence of the New Move · Moral .

    https://barricades.ac.uk/exhibits/show/mfc/henry-hethrington-and-the-defe
    Henry Hetherington (1792-1849) was a writer, publisher, and radical activist who played a prominent role within Chartism. He became involved in radical politics during the 1820s, joining radical political organisations, establishing a publishers to print pamphlets and texts, and becoming influenced by the political ideas of Robert Owen.

Looking at History: Chartist Lives: Henry Hetherington

    https://richardjohnbr.blogspot.com/2007/08/chartist-lives-henry-hetherington.html
    Aug 15, 2007 · Chartist Lives: Henry Hetherington Hetherington was born in Compton Street, Soho, London, the eldest of the three children of John Hetherington, a tailor.

Chartist Ancestors Blog: Henry Hetherington - radical .

    https://chartist-ancestors.blogspot.com/2012/03/henry-hetherington-radical-publisher.html
    This forms the basis of a page on Henry Hetherington which now appears on Chartist Ancestors. During the 1830s, Hetherington was three times imprisoned for his principled stand before finally claiming a partial victory for The Poor Man’s Guardian, which he published, when the government backed down and repealed to obligation to pay tax on .

Henry Hetherington: the poor man’s guardian. Maisie Jo's .

    https://thegenderblogofmaisiejo.wordpress.com/2017/10/31/henry-hetherington-the-poor-mans-guardian/
    Oct 31, 2017 · Henry Hetherington: the poor man’s guardian. October 31, 2017 October 31, 2017 / thehistoryblogbymaisie. . This article was enticing straight away because the Chartist’s ideas were immediately seen: working class people should build a sense of collective identity and shared struggle[xi] and their principals of class consciousness[xii .

Life After Prison - JOHN COLLINS

    https://www.chartistcollins.com/revival-of-chartism.html
    Henry Hetherington, a leading London Chartist refused to be intimidated, and he staunchley defended the "Lovett and Collins' Address" publicly calling the defectors poltroons and imbeciles! Members of the opposition NCA, in support of O'Connor, turned on Lovett and Collins.

We hope you have found all the information you need about Henry Hetherington Chartist through the links above.


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